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Full text of "Baron Christoph von Graffenried's New Bern adventures"

JUL 30 1913 



Baron Christoph von GrafFenried's 
New Bern Adventures 



VINCENT MOLLIS TODD 

{A.B., Harvard University, 1907; A.M.. University of Illinois. 1910) 



u« * 



THESIS 

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN 

GERMAN IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF 

THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 



1912 



Baron Christoph von GrafFenried's 
New Bern Adventures 



BY 

VINCENT HOLLIS TODD 

(A.B., Harvard University. 1907; A.M.. University of Illinois. 1910) 



THESIS 

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN 

GERMAN IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF 

THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 



1912 



^^^!^1 
P 



PREFACE 

The followang study of the origin and incipient history of 
one of the early German settlements in America presents the 
introduction to a critical edition of hitherto unpublished 
German and French documents left by Baron von Graffenried 
which I have prepared for the North Carolina Historical Com- 
mission and which will be published in the near future. In 
this edition there will appear also the philological apparatus 
consisting of notes and a glossary of the many unusual words 
contained in the documents. 

My interest in the history of the German settlements of 
this country goes back to my boyhood days in Pennsylvania 
where I knew many of the so-called 'Pennsylvania Dutch' 
people. No one among my American acquaintances, however, 
seemed to know much about them, nor could I learn anything 
concerning them from the school books on American history 
which were then used in the public schools. The best informa- 
tion I could get was that these people were descended from 
Hessian soldiers who had remained in America after the 
Revolutionary War. 

When later my scientific interest in the history of the 
Germans in America was aroused by the lectures of Professor 
Julius Goebel at Harvard University and afterwards at the 
University of Illinois, I continued to make inquiries in order 
to learn whether others had had experiences similar to my 
own in seeking to find out more concerning this important 
ethnic element of our nation. To my astonishment I found 
that the story of the German settlements was little known 
even among teachers of American history, despite the fact that 
in recent years much has been done in this field and that the 
story itself is as important and interesting as many stories 
with which we are more familiar. 

In conclusion I wish to acknowledge my gratitude to the 
members of the German and French departments of the Uni- 
versity of Illinois, and to Professor Julius Goebel especially, 
for kindly advice and encouragement. It was at his sugges- 
tion and under his direction that I undertook this study for 
which he put at my disposal the rich manuscript material 
which has collected on the Graffenried episode. 



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TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PREFACE 

INTRODUCTION 

Relative ratios of English and German elements in the white popu- 
lation of the United States. — The contribution of the German element 
to American culture neglected by historians — Importance of the at- 
tempt of the Swiss and Palatines to found a colony in 1709-10 1 

PART I. 
Chapter I. 
The generally accepted causes of the Palatine migration — The in- 
tellectual movements of the Reformation and the Counter Reformation — 
Friendship between the protestant reformers of England and Germany — 
Cromwell's policy of making England the champion of Protestantism 
continued by Queen Anne — Terrible conditions in Germany as the result 
of wars carried on by Louis XIV — The Protestants of the Palatinate 
alarmed by harassing persecutions — The Anabaptists of Switzerland ex- 
posed to persecution by the Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic churches 
alike — Extravagance of the petty princes produces hardship among the 
poorer classes — Kocherthal's colony — The hard winter of 1709 3 

Chapter II. 
The decisive cause of the Palatine migration — The causes mentioned 
in Chapter I not suflBcient to account for the great movement of 1709 — 
Queen Anne subsidizes colonists — Kocherthal's book and the Golden 
Book appear to be one and the same — Hopes held out to prospective 
colonists — The Queen's policy meets with favor in England — The bill to 
naturalize foreign protestants — Temporary relief given to the inrnii- 
grants — Germans come in embarrassing numbers — Report of an investi- 
gating committee implicates the Queen and the Earl of Sunderland — • 
Kocherthal's book shows that oflBcial help was given to his company 
before they reached England — Direct statement that Queen Anne at her 
own expense caused many to be brought from Germany to England, and 
from there they were sent to America 7 

Chapter III. 
Survey of the final disposal of the Palatines — The English settle 
great numbers of them in America under conditions which reveal such 
mercenary motives as to rob the act of most of its claim to charity — 
Contempt for the Germans shown to be characteristic both in England 
and America 16 

PART II. 
Chapter I. 
Graffenried's early life 23 



Chapter II. 
Literature which GraflPenried studied before deciding to go to 
America — Blome — Hennepin — Kocherthal 27 

Chapter HI. 

The colonization project entered into by the Canton of Bern — 

GraflFenried meets the agent, Franz Louis Michel and is persuaded to 

go to America — He engages twelve miners and goes secretly to England 

— Meets John Lawson 29 

Chapter IV. 
John Lawson and his Journal 31 

Chapter V. 
Graffenried and Michel unite their mining projects to form what 
may be called the Bern Ritter colonization company, of which Michel 
is agent for the Canton of Bern — Graffenried is made Landgrave — 
Negotiations for land and settlers — 650 Palatines secured — The first 
shiploads start for America in January, 1710 — Convicts from Bern added 
to the number secured in England — Difficulties encountered in getting 
the convicts through Holland — Graffenried and Michel secure mining 
concessions — Discussion of the contract with the George Ritter Com- 
pany- — Assistance promised by the proprietors — The Swiss colony starts 
in the summer of 1710 — Death of many of the first settlers 41 

Chapter VI. 
Discussion of the transportation facilities provided by the com- 
missioners for the Palatines — The colony plundered by a French pri- 
vateer — Graifenried and his company arrive September 10 — They learn 
of the distress of the first shiploads— Graifenried and his Swiss start 
for North Carolina as soon as possible after landing 49 

Chapter VII. 

The earliest settlements in North Carolina — Early government — 
Development of self-government — Imposition of Locke's Fundamentals — 
Confusion resulting from attempts to enforce certain provisions and 
navigation laws — Trouble growing out of test oaths — Cary in open 
opposition to Edward Hyde, the appointee of the proprietors — Graffen- 
ried met by a delegation and offered the presidency of the coimcil — 
Refuses a tempting offer for the sake of his colony 52 

Chapter VIII. 
Graffenried's precarious position — The pitiful condition of the Pala- 
tines — Graffenried defrauded by Lawson — No help to be obtained from 
the proprietors — Peace made with the Indians — Lawson's humane senti- 
ments not borne out by his treatment of the Indians — Michel disturbs 
the proceedings — Graffenried compelled by circumstances as well as by 
inclination to j oin the Hyde faction 59 



Chapter IX. 
Founding of the city of New Bern — Leet Court system — Articles in 
the Fundamentals relating to the Leet Courts — Discussion of Baronies, 
Manors, etc., showing irregularities in appointments — An ideal once 
given up revived in a modified form for Graffenried's colony — Reasons 
for this — Contracts with the proprietors and colonists — Evidences from 
the manuscripts of a paternal government and also of popular as- 
semblies 64 

Chapter X. 
Hyde comes to North Carolina in January, 1711— GraflFenried made 
a colonel — Graffenried hopes to receive assistance from the Province — 
Gary preparing for open rebellion — Condition of the town — Graffenried 
sends a report to Bern — Appearances of prosperity deceptive — A letter 
written by Urmstone shows the condition of New Bern to be as de- 
scribed by Graffenried — Cary's attack and retreat — Peace of short 
duration — The Governor of Virginia sends help — Disasterous effect of 
the war on the German colony — An exploring trip — Lawson and Graffen- 
ried captured by the Indians 75 

Chapter XI. 
Documents written by Lawson, Spotswood, and William Byrd to 
show that the Indians had cause for resentment at their treatment by 
the English 81 

Chapter XII. 
Graffenried a prisoner — Lawson killed, Graffenried held captive — 
The Indians plan to massacre English and Germans — Discussion of the 
cause of the massacre — The blame laid on the late rebels — Documents 
to show that others besides Graffenried believed them guilty — Graffen- 
ried's truce — Attack by the English and Palatines — Graffenried agrees 
to a ransom and is allowed to go home — Spotswood approves of the 
truce — English and Palatines disapprove and plot against Graffenried's 
life 84 

Chapter XIII. 
Discovery of the plot — Measures taken for the defence of the town — 
Graffenried begins to make plans to go to Virginia — A letter by Spots- 
wood showing the condition of the colonists — Brice's thoughtless attack 
precipitates war — Graffenried's part in the war — Barnwell's breach of 
faith — The Indians prepare for a new massacre — The German colony 
in very straightened circumstances — Graffenried visits Governor Hyde — 
Loss of a boatload of provisions — Graffenried goes to Virginia to plan 
for a new settlement 94 

Chapter XIV, 
The new location — Prospecting for silver — Governor Spotswood's 
letter describing the same expedition — Graffenried's return to Carolina — 
Governor Hyde's death — Graffenried disappointed in Michel, makes one 



last effort — Graflfenried in Virginia — Moore defeats the Indians March 
20, 1713 95 

Chapter XV. 
The journey home — GraflFenried meets his miners in London — 
Arranges for their passage to America — His own affairs do not keep 
him long in England — His language telling of his stay in England mis- 
leading — Efforts to relieve his colony — Life as a Swiss oflBcial — Death. 98 

Chapter XVI 
Proof that Graffenried never came back to America to live — Debt 
to Pollock unpaid — Last notices of the German settlers and end of the 
New Bern adventures 103 

PART III. 

Chapter I. 
The discovery of new material relating to New Bern — Comparison of 
the manuscripts and the following items of new material in Professor 
Goebel's French version: The negotiations of Bern for land: Graffen- 
ried considered going to Maryland: Graffenried's titles: Contract with 
the proprietors: Voyage across the Atlantic: Illness of the colonists: 
Treaty with the Indians: Troubles with Michel: Description of the city 
of New Bern: Purchase of boats: Details of the exploration for silver 
along the Potomac River: Additional indications of a treaty with 
Penn: Details of the voyage to Europe: Details of Graffenried's care 
for the miners: Additional efforts to secure help for Newbern: Maps 
and a key to the one of the Potomac River 108 

Chapter II. 
Important additions in Professor Goebel's German version include 
the following: A report to the Ritter Company: The contract with the 
George Ritter Company: A Memorial or account of life in the colony: 
Letters from the colonists: — Contents of the report — The letters of the 
colonists — Reliability of the report and the letters — Discussion of the 
contract with the George Ritter Company — The Memonal — Criticism of 
Graffenried's mortgaging the settlers' lands 114 

Bibliography 120 

Vita 124 



CHRISTOPH VON GRAFFENRIED AND THE FOUND- 
ING OF NEW BERN, N. C. 

^ By Vincent H, Todd, Ph.D. 

Professor in Greenville College, III. 

Introduction 

A carefully prepared and conservative computation made 
within the last ten years gives the surprising result that of our 
white population there are at least twenty-seven per cent of 
German birth or extraction, while those of English origin 
number but thirty per cent. With such a proportion of Ger- 
mans, is it not strange that almost nothing is said in our his- 
tories about this great element of our population; about the 
causes that induced them to leave their homes ; about the cir- 
cumstances of their first settlements; about their influence 
upon the growth of our common culture? 

The reason of this lies, partly in the undeveloped prov- 
incial character of American historiography, partly in the 
fact that American History was first written by men from 
New England. They wrote of the things with which they were 
most familiar, their own Puritan commonwealths and the In- 
stitutions developed from them. Biased by provincial preju- 
dices they overlooked other events of equally great import- 
ance, so that their histories read like a one-sided glorification 
of their ancestors. A very powerful contributory cause for 
this discrimination is the fact that the Germans made their 
settlements comparatively late, and for the most part avoided 
New England. By the time the first permanent settlements 
were made at Germantown, near Philadelphia (1683), New 
England had passed through some of its most epoch-making 
experiences. The colonies about IMassachusetts Bay, Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island had been settled and their char- 
acteristic institutions, which have come down to our own 
time, were becoming fixed in laws and customs of the people. 
American historiography as first conceived by the New Eng- 
land historians has since followed the same or similar lines, 
and until recently, when the German Americans themselves 



took'ii^tlie'workj verj-Ktfle; in general, was known about the 
early life of this portion of our population. 

It is to be hoped that this regrettable division in matters 
of historical truth will be done away with, and since no one 
nationality can rightfully claim all the honor of having made 
America what it is, Germans as w^ell as Puritans and Cava- 
liers will come to be recognized for what they are or have 
done, and not be excluded from consideration for what they 
have not done. To illustrate : It was not a German woman 's 
pig to which we traced the bicameral system of Government 
in Massachusetts; but it is to the German settlers at Scho- 
harie that we, in a large measure, owe the fortunate outcome 
of the French and Indian war, for it was they who kept the 
Six Nations from joining the French, when such an event 
would have spelled disaster to the New York and New Eng- 
land colonies : they did not give us theocracies from which a 
doubtful ideal of the state eventually evolved ; but they helped 
to give us freedom of conscience, the very corner-stone of 
modern polities, and it is to the German printer in New 
York, that we owe an untrammeled public press. Who shall 
say which is the worthier? 

It is not sufficient then to know that in the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries a large number of Germans came to 
America, and made or tried to make certain settlements. We 
want to go farther and learn about their life and work and 
be able to appreciate them as we do the other pioneers. It 
is for this reason that a study of Baron Christoph von Graf- 
fenried's settlement may be considered worth while. 

This colony in North Carolina would have consisted of 
only a few Swiss adventurers but for the events of the year 
1709. These enlarged the scope, increased the prestige of 
the undertaking, gave the leadership to one of the few ever 
to possess a title of nobility in Locke's new American order, 
made this pioneer of several Swiss undertakings the nearest 
approach to Locke's ideal that ever existed in America, and 
taking it out of its isolation, made it a part of the great Ger- 
man migration of 1709; a consideration of which may prop- 
erly precede the study of Graff enried's own adventures. 



Since a man should be judged by his intentions and by 
the times in which he lived, as well as by the actual results 
of his efforts, it has seemed well to quote from or make refer- 
ences to the writings of contemporaries wherever possible.^ 
For instance, his expectation of becoming rich from silver 
mines in Maryland or Virginia seems to us absurd because 
we know there is no silver in those parts in paying quanti- 
ties; but if we find, that in his day, everyone believed that 
there was silver to be found there, and if we remember that 
the Secretary of the London Royal Society in 1669 urged 
Governor John Winthrop to look for mines in Connecticut 
and if necessary to ' ' employ dogs of the best sent ' ' ^ for this 
purpose, Graff enried's persistency in searching for silver 
takes on a different aspect. 

PART I. 

The Palatine Movement 

Chapter I. 

The generally accepted causes of the Palatine migration. 

The great stream of emigrants from Germany to England 
and from thence to America, beginning rather feebly in the 
latter part of the seventeenth century, then suddenly swell- 
ing to such enormous proportions that more Germans had 
come to New York, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina in 
one year than had come to New England in the first ten 
years of the settlements about Massachusetts Bay, has as its 
fundamental cause the great intellectual movement of the 
Reformation, and the equally intense Counter Reformation 
which began in the latter part of the sixteenth century and 
extended far into the seventeenth century. 

Since the Protestant Reformation in England had come 
rather later than in Germany, and had not been so radical 

^ There is some assurance that this hoped for change of attitude will 
come, when a historian like Channing in his History of the United States 
(vol. II, pages 116, 395, 404 ff.) gives a rather extended and apprecia- 
tive notice of the Germans in Pennsylvania. In a foot note on page 405 
he mentions the manuscripts on which this paper has been based. 

' Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society, 1878, pages 229-240. 



at the start, English reformers long looked upon Germany 
as the fatherland of the Reformation, and during the perse- 
cution which accompanied the reaction under Mary (1553- 
1558) those who escaped over seas found refuge in Holland, 
Germany and Switzerland. Under Elizabeth protestantism 
was again gradually restored, but there was no place for 
any who disagreed with the church as established by the state, 
and dissenters were severely punished, but still the senti- 
ment of protest grew until after the revolution of 1642, when 
Cromwell, having finally become a dictator, was able to in- 
troduce a second reformation, which led to a wider separa- 
tion from Rome. He hoped to secure the ground gained by 
a union of the protestant states against the Catholic Spanish 
world. He conceived England to be the champion protector 
of protestantism, and by such a union, he hoped to make it 
a w.orld power. During the reigns of Charles II and James 
II there was another reaction which, however, was not so 
violent as that in the reign of Mary. When William of 
Orange became King of England protestantism was again 
fully restored and there was even some relief given dissent- 
ers. It was Queen Anne, however, who took up Cromwell's 
work, and to the best of her ability carried out his program 
of national and protestant expansion. Public opinion, more- 
over, was, to a large degree, with her in this-Tnatter. 

Interest in the German protestant situation was kept 
alive by pamphlets which gave information about the condi- 
tion of the Reformation in Germany and particularly in 
the Palatinate to which they felt related because of the mar- 
riage of Elizabeth, daughter of James I of England, to the 
Elector Frederick, better known as the Winter King. This 
interest was further increased since the cause had been com- 
pelled to fight for its life in Germany as well as in England. 

Not only the wars which came in Luther's time and im- 
mediately following his death were caused by the Reforma- 
tion; but the Thirty Year's War and the wars in which the 
French King, Louis XIV, involved Europe during his long 
reign were also very largely incited by the same spirit of 
enmity that animated the earlier Counter Reformation. 



In all these struggles no portion of Germany suffered so 
much as that part called the Lower Palatinate.^ Lying as it 
does on the eastern boundary of France, it was easily acces- 
sible to the French soldiery; a fertile country, it offered ex- 
cellent opportunity for maintaining an army ; and being Pro- 
testant it was an especial object of resentment to the French 
King. Turrenne in 1674 ravaged the province thoroughly, in 
accordance with his policy of making the enemy support his 
army. Then in the wars of 1688-89, while the rest of Ger- 
many which might have given aid was busy warding off 
the Turks, Louis XIV took the opportunity of weakening 
the enemy, venting his malice against the Protestants, and 
doing a pleasure to Madame de Maintenon by devastating the 
province in a way unparalleled in modern history. He pur- 
posed to make the country as nearly a desert as possible, and 
to do so wantonly burned cities and towns as well as isolated 
dwellings, cut down orchards and uprooted vines. Many of 
the inhabitants were butchered, others died of exposure, others 
fled, and the few who remained were left in a most miserable 
condition. The treaty of Ryswijck gave a temporary relief 
and many refugees returned to their homes. But in 1700 the 
wars of the Spanish Succession broke out, and the Palatinate 
was again over-run with troops. The destruction seems not 
to have been so severe as in the previous war, but the new 
Elector, now a Catholic, subjected the Protestants to a system 
of persecution which was very annoying and disquieting; 
for the persecutions which had long accompanied the Refor- 
mation throughout Europe, were still fresh in men's memo- 
ries and they dreaded the worst. 

By the Peace of Westphalia (1648) the Lutheran and 
Reformed Religions had been established in the Palatinate 
and the Catholic religion was allowed only on sufferance of 
the Elector. But now under John William (1690-1716) reli- 
gious toleration was announced, and the Roman Catholic 
faith thereby put upon a theoretical equality with the other 
two. As a matter of fact, he went farther and took revenues, 
churches, and schools belonging to the Protestants, whether 

* Eccl. Rec. vol. Ill, page 1453 fiF. 



or not they had been Catholic property, and turned them to 
Catholic uses, or else arranged for Catholic and Protestants 
to have joint possession of the church edifices. He refused 
to allow Protestant clergymen to sit in the Ecclesiastical 
Council; and when the people protested, he said that the 
"ministers were seditious rebels". Soldiers, moreover, were 
quartered on the peasants to harass them. The persecution, 
also, often took the form of bodily injury and death was fre- 
quently the result. No wonder, then, the poorer subjects be- 
came alarmed. 

In Switzerland the Anabaptist having no legal status 
had always been exposed to the doubtful mercies of the big- 
oted Reformed Church.^ The martyrdom of many of the lead- 
ers was a recent memory, and at this very time (1708-9) the 
prisons were full of those whose greatest crime was obedience 
to the scriptural injunction "swear not at all", and a dis- 
agreement with the Reformed Church as to the time in the 
candidate's life when baptism was to be administered. 

In other provinces of Germany, as well as in the Palatin- 
ate, there was great suffering among the poorer classes be- 
cause of the oppressions of the petty princes who fashioned 
their courts after the model of Versailles, plunged into ex- 
travagance and excess of all kinds, the burden of which fell 
upon the laboring classes who suffered severely from the 
exorbitant taxes and tolls demanded to defray these ex- 
penses. 

This wide spread poverty, and the religious persecu- 
tions had for years been producing a general unrest, and those 
who saw no hope of better conditions at home, began to look 
to America as a place where they could go and be safe. A 
rather small colony had gone to Pennsylvania with Pastor- 
ius as early as 1683, and a few families or single persons had 
gone every year since.^ Another small company, 50 persons 
in all, under the Lutheran pastor, Kocherthal, came to Eng- 
land in 1708 and were sent to New York. 

In 1709 a further cause was given in an exceedingly hard 

* E. Mueller, Bernische Taufer. Ad fin. 
= Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 265. 



winter.^ The cold was so intense that birds and animals suc- 
cumbed to its severity and the loss of life among the very 
poor was considerable. Such an experience would doubtless 
make Kochierthars description of Carolina more attractive 
than ever. That same spring and summer great numbers of 
Germans came through Holland to England and were given 
all possible care by public and private philanthrophy. This 
is generally spoken of as the Palatine Migration but the name 
is misleading because there were many other German speak- 
ing people in the movement. The majority of these immi- 
grants did, however, come from the Palatinate; and as the 
English people were interested in that province, they gave the 
name without distinction to all who came. 

Chapter II, 

The decisive cause of the Palatine migration. 

The causes mentioned, together with the so-called German 
Wanderlust and the attraction which America had for Eu- 
ropeans, have been considered suflScient to explain this migra- 
tion. But are they suiBcient ? Is there not a more important 
problem still unsolved? "When one considers that all these 
contributing causes, political oppression, religious persecu- 
tion, devastation of property, and poverty had existed for 
years in Germany and Switzerland; that the passion for 
travel had always been characteristic of this people; that the 
advantages of America had been well set forth by the preach- 
ing of William Penn and other Quakers before this colony 
was founded ; that over ^ 50 books, broadsides, and pamphlets 
had been circulated over Germany, all in the interest of in- 
ducing emigration to Pennsylvania, and had resulted in only 
one small settlement at Germantown in Pennsylvania in 1683 ; 
his conclusion must be that there must have been something 
more than the severe winter added to the above causes which 
increased the numbers of the emigrants from a small flock 
of 50 under Kocherthal's leadership in 1708 to a mass of 
over 10,000 persons without a leader in 1709. How does it 

* Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 283. 
^Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 175. 



happen that they all expected to be taken to America, despite 
the fact that the Walloons who preceded them had no such 
hopes ? 

The truth is Queen Anne was attempting to continue 
Cromwell's plan of expansion, and in this program there was 
need of increasing her subjects at home and in the colonies, 
by inviting, and even subsidizing, people to settle in Eng- 
lish America. At the same time also the Proprietors of the 
Provinces were quite as anxious as the Queen to have their 
territories settled; and no one was more industrious then 
Penn in advertising his province. Yet the matter is difficult 
to treat, because direct evidence is not plentiful, since no 
one wished to take the responsibility of tempting the sub- 
jects to leave their rightful lord. But there was one document 
which had great, perhaps the greatest influence in persuading 
people to go to America ; and that was a small volume printed 
first in 1706, by the Reverend Mr, Kocherthal. 

The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal, just mentioned, had not 
been to America at the time he published his book, but had 
been in England to make inquiries about the colonies. Hav- 
ing become convinced of the advantages of South Carolina, 
he wrote a hand book for Germans, describing the province, 
with directions how to go there. This book was so eagerly 
read that in 1709 it had reached its fourth edition. Graffen- 
ried and several of his settlers mention Kocherthal 's book, 
and indeed this is the only book the settlers do mention; and 
from the nature of their allusions to it one must conclude 
they were strongly influenced by it. In fact, the book con- 
tinued to have such an effect, even after Kocherthal had gone 
to New York (1708) that Anton Wilhelm Boehme,^ pastor 
of the German Court Chapel of St. James, felt called upon 
to issue a series of tracts in book form, under the title "Das 
verlangte / nicht erlangte Canaan", directed specifically 
against Kocherthal's description of South Carolina. 

An investigation, detailed mention of which will be made 
later, brings out the additional fact that another great cause 
of the emigration was the so-called Golden Book, named so 

* Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VIII, page 47 flF. 



because the Queen's picture adorned one of the front pages, 
and the title page was printed in gilt letters. This was evi- 
dently a very special and expensive edition, and was proba- 
bly published with the Queen's permission some time after 
she had ascended the throne in 1702, the evident intention 
being to impress German readers. From the language in the 
report of the investigating committee it is clear that the 
book was written chiefly in praise of Carolina. 

Absolute proof cannot be given; but judging from the 
coincidence of the date at which the book appeared, Kocher- 
thal's in 1706, the Golden Book between 1702 and 1709, from 
the similarity of the subject matter, both treating of Carolina 
in particular, and from the effect, one may conclude that 
Kocherthal's book and the Golden Book are identical. The 
following passages occur in the fourth edition undoubtedly 
reprinted from the first, and are among the directions to 
prospective colonists. 

8. 9^arf)bem ober bie grodit felbften gu bejafilen fe§r tl^euer / 
unh foIrf)e QbauUerbtenen fe^r !)e[(f)lDerIid^ / al§> f)at ber 2[utf)or auff 
aiie 2Beife fid) ongelegen fe^n loffen / ob bifefaB anbere SDJittel 
Qufeufinben fet)n mod)ten; tDorouff enblirf) ber 3Sorfd)Iag ge- 
frf)e^en / bofe bie ^onigtn mit einer (sut)pIicQtTon miifete erfud^t 
iDerben / ob felbige bie (sd^iffe gitr lleberfo^rt l^ergeben n^oUte / 
ha bann bielleid)t ge[d)e]^en fonte / bofe man aud^ mit ^onigl. 
®dE)iffen bon $oEanb obgel^olet tuiirbe / unb alfo Qud^ biefen 
lleberfaE)rt5=S?often erfpal)ren fonte; bod^ miiften Quff fold^en gaU 
eine gute Slngal^I 2euie mttetnonber fommen / toeilen ft)tbrigen= 
folS ber 90?iif)e ntd^t trel^rt fet)n rtiirbe / bie ^onigin gu bemitf)en 
biel tueniger fo biel Soften anjutDettben / aU hei bte[en gu ben 
©d^iffen unb ©onboi^ erfobert tuivb. 

9. SSetlen and) bet) biefen 3etten on bem ^onigl. $off fo h)oI 
toegen be§ fd^tre^ren ^rteg§ / qI§ aud^ tuegen ber immerfort 
h^dl^renben bielen (£oIIecten=@eIber bie Stufegaben unbefdE)reibIid^ 
grofe qI§ ^at man ^terinnen mel^rere 5Borfd£)Idge getJian / n)ie bie 
@acf)e Qnjugreiffen / bamit bie ^onigin ber anberh)drttgen fdf)h)ef)« 
ren Unfoften ungeod^tet / bie ®dE)tffe aur llberfa^rt bergeben 
module; e§ fe^n aber biefe SSorfd^Idge 3u treitlduffig ^ier ju be= 
fcfireiben; bod^ l^offet man / bofe bermittelft berfelben bie Semii- 
l^ung nid)t umfonft fet)n h)erbe tt)iert)oI niemanb l^ierinnen eitoa^ 



getoiffeS berf^red^en fan / fonbern emorten mufe / h)Q§ bie @ott- 
lid^e ©d^idung fiterinnen berfiigen irerbe.^ 

No very definite hopes are held out in these passages, but 
it would not require the Queen's picture and the gilded title 
page to give the impression to the poor people into whose hands 
the book would come, that they might expect help from her, 
both in crossing the Channel and after their arrival in Eng- 
land, in going to the Colonies. The effect could be no better 
with a direct and unequivocal statement, and there would be 
no danger of serious complications with the German princes, 
while, likewise, such a procedure would be quite in harmony 
with her diplomatic methods. 

The Queen's policy of relieving the distressed Protestants 
met with considerable approval by the English people at 
first, for not only could they congratulate themselves on do- 
ing a charitable act to members of their own faith, but they 
could enjoy tlie prospect of turning the recipients of their 
charity to the material advantage of England. Simon Beau- 
mont (July 18, 1709) expresses this mixture of motives in a 
letter too long to quote in full. "But these arguments aside. 
Receiving and succoring these poor Palatines seems to me 
but the payment of a just debt for the kind entertainment 
that gave many of our learned divines and others who were 
forced to take shelter beyond seas in the time of Queen Mary 's 
persecution, and met with a hospitable reception at Frank- 
fort in Germany, in the Palatinate, the Netherland, Switzer- 
land and other places and shall we now suffer any of the pos- 
terity of our quondam benefacts to perish for want of bread 
that providence has thrown into our arms for relief?" To 
the objection that England has enough poor of her own, he 
admits she has beggars enough and suggests that they go to 
work and there will be food enough for all; he then ad- 
vances the generally accepted economic principle that "mul- 
tiplying the number of inhabitants conduces to the strength, 
grandeur, and wealth of the kingdom, since its people are 
the Riches, Honor, and Strength of a nation and that wealth 
increases in an equal proportion to the additional number of 

* Kocherthal, page 28. 

10 



the inhabitants". He also cites the fact that "the Palatines 
who went to INIagdeburg in 1689 are worth 100,000 crowns a 
year to the King of Prussia". . . . ''That Holland by giving 
refuge to distressed Protestants was enabled to beat off the 
Spanish" and concludes that "10,000 Palatines is about 
8000£ without detriment to the nation". Beaumont would 
have had them retained in England, then, in place of letting 
them go to the colonies.^ 

The encouragement, however, was not limited to mere ex- 
pressions of good will on the part of private and public in- 
dividuals, but, as will be shown, official help, to which Queen 
Anne, the Duke of Sunderland, and probably the Duke of 
Marlborough were parties was given in secret. 

A bill, to naturalize foreign Protestants which had long 
been discussed was now passed (March 3, 1709),^ if not for 
the sake of the immigrants, at least very opportunely for 
them. The result of the encouragement given was very flat- 
tering, for within a few months between 10,000 and 15,000 
Germans were in England and had to be cared for. The 
people and the government rose to the emergency; tents and 
barns were assigned to these people for shelter ; ^ private 
charity was invoked for their relief; and the Queen author- 
ized a daily expenditure at first of 16i, but later increased 
the amount to lOOi.* Meanwhile their spiritual welfare was 
attended to. Ministers were appointed for that particular 
service,^ Bibles were distributed freely among them,^ and as 
soon as possible plans for settlement were made. About 3000 
were settled in Ireland on what was intended to be advantag- 
eous terms, but of these 232 families returned to London.^ 
Many enlisted,^ and provision was made to send great num- 
bers to America at the expense of the government. 

*Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1774 ff. 

^Luttrel, vol. VI, page 413. 

'Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1750. 

*Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1753, 1786. 

'Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1742, 1785. 

»Ecd. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1786. 

^ Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1836. 

' Pennsylvanien im 17ten Jahrhundert, page 71. 

11 



The phenomenal success of this scheme proved to be its 
undoing, for so many Germans took advantage of the oppor- 
tunity that London was embarrassed with the expense and 
labor of supporting them. Soon complaints were made, not 
only by the poor of England who might be expected to look 
askance at this expenditure on these foreigners, when it 
could be so well employed by the needy folks at home, but 
also by persons in higher stations. This opposition grew and 
in consequence a petition was presented to the house of Com- 
mons. This resulted in the appointment of a committee (Jan- 
uary 15, 1710) to inquire, among other things ''upon what 
invitation or encouragement the Palatines came over, and 
what moneys were expended in bringing them here and by 
whom".^ A bill was also ordered prepared to repeal the act 
for naturalizing foreign Protestants. But the important thing 
to notice is that the investigation assumes that these Pro- 
testants were invited or encouraged to come by some one, 
for otherwise such language would hardly have been used 
in the bill authorizing the investigation. 

April 14, 1711 the committee made its report, of which 
the following extracts directly concern our discussion : ' ' And 
upon the examination of several of them (Palatines) what 
were the motives which induced them to leave their native 
country, it appears to the committee that there were books 
and papers dispersed in the Palatinate with the Queen's 
picture before the book (and the title pages in letters of Gold 
which from thence was called the Golden Book) to encourage 
them to come to England in order to be sent to Carolina or 
other of her Majesty's Plantations to be settled there. The 
book is chiefly a commendation of that country. 

"What further encouraged them to leave their native coun- 
try was the ravages the French had made and the damages 
the hard frost had done to their vines, and accordingly, one 
Joshua Kocherthall, a Lutheran Minister with some other 
Palatines to the number of 61 persons applied to Mr. Davenant 
at Frankfort for passes, but he refused them passes, moneys 

^Eccl. Rec, Vol. Ill, page 1724 ff. 



12 



and recommendations for fear of disgusting the Elector Pala- 
tinate and desired to know her Majesty's pleasure therein, 
how to behave himself, in which Mr. Bayle signifies her Ma- 
jesty's commands that, though the desire of the poor people 
to settle in the plantations is very acceptable and would be 
for the public good, yet she can by no means consent to Mr. 
Davenant giving in any public way encouragement, either 
by money or passes to the elector Palatine's subjects to 
leave their country without his consent ". ... The next year 
an Act for naturalizing Protestants being passed a great 
number of Palatines and some from other parts of Germany 
came into Holland, and from thence into England at several 
times, being upon their first arrival in Holland subsisted 
by the charity of Rotterdam, but afterwards at the Queen's 
expense and transports and other ships at her Majesty's 
charges provided to bring them thither as also all sorts of 
necessaries during this voyage by Mr. Dayralle, her Majes- 
ty's Secretary at the Hague, who had received instructions 
from Mr. Secretary Boyle (in her Majesty's name) to that 
purpose, pursuant to my Lord Duke of Marlborough's de- 
sire". ... 

. . . Palatines still continued to come till the middle of 
October 1709 although the orders to Mr. Dayralle to hinder 
their coming were often repeated; and the States General 
had been asked by the English to send instructions to their 
minister in Germany, to discourage the coming of any more 
of the Elector Palatine's subjects in this manner since the 
Elector was highly offended by their desertion. Upon this 
Mr. Dayralle informed Mr. Secretary Boyle that these people 
(20 Aug. 1709) were encouraged to emigrate by somebody 
in England, and that since the Prohibition a Gentle- 
man with a servant who came over in the Packet boat had 
gone amongst the Palatines at the Brill and distributed money 
and printed Tickets to encourage them to come over, and 
that many of these tickets were sent to their friends in Ger- 
many to persuade them to do the like. 

"Mr. Dayralle could never discover who this gentleman 
was though he endeavored it all he could, and the committee 

13 



could come to no certain knowledge therein, but find by two let- 
ters that Mr. Henry Torne, a Quaker at Rotterdam, who in all 
this matter acted under Mr. Dayralle, forced a great many 
to embark for England after they had provided themselves 
a passage to go back to their own country, which the Pala- 
tines owned upon their arrival, was the only reason that in- 
duced them to come".^ 

A report of the various attempted settlements follows, and 
then is given the results of an investigation into the expenses 
incurred. The total is 135,775£, 18s, Qi^d. Of this there 
had been paid in two different transactions a total of 6289£, 
Is, 9d. in bringing Palatines to England. The report closes 
with the following resolutions: 

"Resolved that the House doth agree with the Commit- 
tee that the petitioners have fully proved the allegations of 
their petition and had just reason to complain. 

''Resolved that the inviting and bringing over into this 
kingdom the poor Palatines of all religions at the public 
expense was an extravagant and miserable charge to the 
kingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of the public mon- 
ey to the increase and oppression of the poor of this king- 
dom and of dangerous consequences to the constitution in 
church and state. 

"Resolved that whosoever advised the bringing over of 
the poor Palatines into this kingdom was an enemy to the 
Queen and to this kingdom". 

This investigation after all did not lead to any definite 
conclusion, the reason for which may perhaps be inferred 
from a few sentences taken from a pamphlet which was 
styled "A Letter to a Gentleman in the Country" ^ in which 
it is written that the committee having sate die in diem for 
a considerable time and searched into papers from the Com- 
missioners of Trade, etc., among which there is said to be a 
letter from the E. of S. (Earl of Sunderland) ' that lets them 

»Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1724 ff. 
^Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 3 754. 

^ E. of S. could hardly be anyone else as he is mentioned several 
times In connection with the Palatines. V. H. T. 



14 



into the whole mystery of the affair, they made their report 
to the House and their resolutions in manner and form fol- 
lowing which was agreed to by those noble patriots". (The 
records omit repeating the report which had been given be- 
fore) . The author then quotes the resolutions which have been 
given in the preceding paragraphs. 

The inference is, of course, that the Earl of Sunderland's 
letter involved persons whom it would have been impolitic 
to expose, and that, as a result, the committee chose to save 
their own reputations by launching brave sounding resolutions 
at no one in particular, even though they left the matter in 
a state of official uncertainty. And this was, perhaps, the 
wisest, if not the most courageous course. 

The following extract from a letter which was written 
from London, July 13, 1708, and which appears as the third 
appendix to Kocherthal's 1709 edition of his Bericht shows 
that there was official help given in transporting Germans 
from the Continent to England. . . . „SSir i^aben alter £)r= 
ti)en / burcf) @otte§ (Snobe / iiberoufe gutt^atige unb f)iilffrei(f)e 
Seutl^e Qitgetroffen. 3Iuff bem JRI^einftro^m ^aben un§ untet' 
fc^ieblid^e Seuti^e ettDQ§ an ®elb unb Srob / gum t^eil audj 
gleif(f| / Sutter / ^afe / unb eintgemar ettioa§> an Slteibungen 
bere^rt / in 9loterbom fdE)en!te un§ ein Tlann attein 40. ^oKan* 
bifd^e ©iilben / etlid^e anbere gute Seutl^e gaben un§> aud) un« 
terfd^iebli(^e§ an @elb. ®er (stabt=9^atl^ in 9loterbam berel^rte 
un§ 25 fl. unb liefe nn§ auf i^re Sloften / in einem ber ©tabt 
gugel^origen ©d^iff nad) ^eHebotfd^Inife bringen. ^m ^aag l^a» 
ben ipir bon bem Gngettanbicfien ©nt)ot)§ erf)alten / bofe un§ 
freQer ^afe btfe ©ngeEanb gegebeii n)urbe / unb alfo fet)nb tuit 
Qu'^ ^eIIet)otfd)Iuife in §oIIanb / bife nad^ ^avtvid} in ©ngellanb / 
ol^ne einigen §eEer§ Soften gebrarf)t toorben".^ 

Another statement written after the great movement had 
subsided shows the same thing. This is quoted from Sauer 
in the Pennsylvanische Berichte of December 1, 1754 — not so 
long after the event that he could get accurate informa- 
tion. „2n§ tm Sa()re 1804 bte frontjoitfc^e 35oIfer tn§ 9teid^ einge= 
3ogen, unb bte dieidj§>'i^uv\ten bte 3(nna ^ontgtn in ©ngelanb um 

* Kocherthal, page 77. 

15 



^iilffe onrieffen, unb biefe ben 2)uc be S^Jcirlborougl^ mit emer 
grofeen 3frmee englifdier 33oIfer m§> dtcid) gefanbt, burd) beren 
^at)ferfeit om 2. ^uli bie Sranjofen Bet) ©d^eEenberg gefcf)lQ= 
gen trorben, i)Qtte ber S^aQfer unb bie ^eid)§=Jviir[ten bie ^i3nigin 
STnna frogen loffen, tva§> fie i^r gur ©anfborfeit bor biefen grofeen 
©ienft tl^un fijnnen? Sorauff t)at bie .^onigin Stnna fogen lQf» 
fen, ha^ fie bon il^ren Dffisieren unb ©olbaten erfafiren 'tjobe, 
ha% fie fo biele Sfrme Seutl^e im 9?eid) nngetroffen, bie if)r Srobt 
unb notf)igen unterf)alt nirf)t l^oben; e§ follen bie 9lei(^§=Siirften 
iiiren, ormen Seutl^en erIauBen, narf) ^rmerifo 3u giel^en, tuo Sonb 
genug ift, toorouf fie fief) ernebren fonnten. 2)iefe§ l^aBen fie 
neBft grower @|r=©e3eugung unb SanfBarfeit eingert)iEigt, unb 
toeil ba§> orme SSoIf feine moglid^feit gefe^en bai^in au !ommen, 
fo l^at bie ^onigin Quf i{)re eigenen .^often biele Staufenbe nad) 
©ngelonb Bringen loffen, unb bie ha iroHten norf) 5Imerifa 3ieJ)en, 
bie touxhen f^rad^tfret) l^eriiBergeBra(f)t unb mit ^robiant, SBerf- 
geug unb (Serdt{)fd^Qften berfel^en".^ 

Chapter III. 

Survey of the final disposal of the Palatines — The English 
settle great numbers of them in America under conditions 
which reveal such mercenary motives as to roh the act of 
most of its claim to charity — Contempt for the Germans 
shown to he characteristic ioth in England and America. 

Whoever may have been responsible for the coming of the 
Palatines, there is no doubt about their welcome during the 
first year of the movement. Besides the public expenditure 
of 135,775i,^ private persons contributed freely both of their 
time and money for the relief of these poor strangers, and in 
fact it became the correct thing to have one's name on a sub- 
scription list, and the camps at Blaekheath and Camberwell 
became popular promenades for the elite of London. When 
the Mohawk chiefs visited London, the Palatines were shown 
them among other sights. Their evident wretchedness touched 
the hearts of these red men and afforded them an opportunity 
later to show what true generosity is. 

* Der Deutsche Pionier, XIV Jahrgang, page 295. 
*Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1732. 

16 



But this charity, excited partly by gratitude for kindness- 
es ^ shown the English reformers by the Germans, partly 
by religious sympathy ^ and political ties ; partly by the warm 
feelings of an impulsive woman and in the case of some, prob- 
ably by a desire ^ to be on the popular side, soon began to 
be burdensome and annoying when the first pleasure and the 
novelty of it passed. The Palatines could not camp indefi- 
nitely at Camberwell and Blackheath, nor live in the barns 
provided for them, and various were the schemes proposed 
for permanently settling them. Beaumont in his letter, which 
has a very sensible and a kindly tone, would keep them in 
England and allow them to settle on land that was lacking 
in tenants, and thus retain them in England to the advantage 
of all. His plan, however, was never successfully carried out. 

About 3000 were settled in one body in Ireland and these 
for the most part stayed ; others * were scattered about over 
England wherever any parish was willing to receive them 
for 5i per head. But after the 5£ was received, the refugees 
were left to shift for themselves among a people who con- 
sidered them intruders; and most of them came back to Lon- 
don, more wretched if anything than before. The best plan, 
after all, seemed to be to settle them in America. 

The English colonies in America at this time occupied a 
narrow strip along the Atlantic coast from Massachusetts to 
the Spanish settlements in Florida, while the interior from 
the St. Lawrence river to the Gulf of Mexico was claimed, 
and to some extent settled by the French, who came closest 
to the English in New York and New England, and there of- 
fered a real menace. The French, moreover, being mostly 
traders, were on better terms with the Indians; they also in- 
termarried with them and adopted many of their habits, while 
the English held themselves more aloof and as fast as they 
acquired land cleared it and so spoiled the hunting. But 
while the Indians beyond the Great Lakes and in the Missis- 

'Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1777. 
^Eccl Rec, vol. Ill, page 1820. 
^Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1753. 
*Penn. Ger. Soc, vol. VII, page 314. 

17 



sippi valley favored the French, the Iroquois of the New York 
colony, an important exception in this, were friendly with the 
English. The French traders, however, were among the Iro- 
quois ; their allegiance could not, therefore, be counted on, and 
one of the most heartless proposals^ for disposing of the Pala- 
tines was "to settle them along the Hudson river in the prov- 
ince of New York where they may be useful to this Kingdom, 
particularly in the production of naval stores and as a front- 
ier against the French and their Indians". There can be no 
possible offense taken to the statement that "Her Majesty 
was convinced that it would be more for the advantage of 
Her kingdom if a method could be found to settle them here 
(America) in such a manner that they might get a comfort- 
able livelihood instead of sending them to the West Indies; 
that it would be a great encouragement to others to follow 
their example that the addition to the number of her subjects 
would in all probability produce a proportionally increase of 
their trade and manufactures".^ But the proposal made by 
the council to take these protestant refugees, who could have 
no choice in the matter and use them as a buffer against the 
savages, certainly robs the act of much of its claim to gen- 
erosity. 

The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal went first with a small 
party. He was followed in 1710 by over 3000 ^ under Gover- 
nor Hunter.* They were treated more like slaves than fel- 
low Christians, for they were forced to sign a contract by 
which they were put under a sort of military discipline and 
set at the fruitless task of trying to make tar in commercial 
quantities from northern pines. Their whole time was to be 
devoted to this industry and they M^ere to be fed and main- 
tained at the Queen's expense. The well meaning but incom- 
petent Governor Hunter had the supervision of the colony. 
Compelled to work under task masters, who themselves knew 
nothing of the business, defrauded of their provisions by the 

^ Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1703. 
"Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1733. 
•Eccl. Rec, Vol. Ill, page 1811. 
* Eccl. Rec, Vol. Ill, page 1814. 

18 



contractors, when petition and resistance failed, like the brick 
makers of Egypt, some of them remembered a promised land, 
and in the depth of winter, (1711-12) fifty families journeyed 
to Schoharie and were given the land promised by the gen- 
erous Mohawk chiefs years before in London. Relieved by 
these Indians, without whose assistance they must all have 
perished, the Palatines remained in spite of the threats of 
the Governor/ He "had been the easier under it, upon the 
consideration that by that means the body of that people is 
kept together within the Province; that when it shall please 
her Majesty to resume the design of prosecuting that work, 
that body at Schoharie may be employed in the vast pine 
woods near Albany, which they must be obliged to do having 
no manner of pretense to ye possession of any lands but by 
performing their part of the contract relating to that manu- 
facture, and that in that situation they may serve in some 
measure as a frontier to or at least to an increase of the 
strength of Albany and Schenectady; but if the war contin- 
ues or should by any misfortune break out again, it will 
neither be possible for them to subsist or safe for them to re- 
main there, considering the use they have already made of 
arms where they were intrusted with them".- The first of 
the statement is clear; the last refers to the resistance they 
tried to offer in the tar making experiment, and overlooks 
their loyal services at Louisburg,^ where they served without 
pay and then were deprived of their arms at the end of the 
war. In dismissing these Palatines it may be well to add that 
just as soon as the governors let them alone and gave them a 
chance, they prospered and became in fact the best possible 
frontier against the Indians, for they kept the friendship of 
the red men. And certainly Conrad Weiser's activity among 
the Iroquois duWng the French and Indian war, by which he 
kept them loyal to England, did as much to protect the front- 
iers as though the German colony had engaged in hostilities 

^Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 2169. A most interesting document being 
the petition presented to the Crown in 1720. It reviews the conditions of 
the Palatines in New York from 1709 to 1720. 

»Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1965. 

•Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 2169. 

19 



against the Indians and suffered the usual hazards of border 
warfare. The following from Lawson's Journal shows that 
the English and Americans considered these foreigners 
very useful, especially in that they might bear the brunt of 
the savage raids in time of war.^ Speaking of the projected 
Swiss colony from Bern and Mr. Mitchell who was employed 
to settle the colonists, he says: ''This Gentleman has been 
employed by the Canton of Bern to find out a Tract of Land 
in the English America, where that Republick might settle 
some of their people; which Proposal, I believe, is now in a 
fair way towards a Conclusion between her Majesty of Great 
Britain and that Canton. Which must needs be of great Ad- 
vantage to both; and as for ourselves, I believe, no Man that 
is in his Wits, and understands the Situation and Affairs of 
America, but will allow, nothing can be of more security and 
Advantage to the Crown and subjects of Great Britain, than 
to have our Frontiers secured by a Warlike People, and our 
Friends, as the Switzers are; especially when we have more 
Indians than we can civilize, and so many Christian Enemies 
lying on the back of us, that we do not know how long or 
short a time it may be, before they visit us". 

Even as late as 1733 ^ according to William Byrd, the 
Indians were a real menace in Virginia; and one of the rea- 
sons he gives for encouraging a Swiss colony to settle in his 
"Land of Eden" was the protection they would afford against 
the Indians and the French. Moreover, he preferred for his 
purpose the honest Swiss to the settlers who were coming in 
from Pennsylvania. 

Whether or not such use was made of the particular col- 
ony in which we are at present interested let the following 
extracts show. 

"The Governor acquainting the Council that Sundry Ger- 
mans to the number of forty-two men, women and children 
who were invited hither by the Baron de Graffenried are now 
arrived but that the said Baron not being here to take care 
of this Settlement the Governor therefore proposed to set- 

* Lawson's Journal, page 206. 

^ The writings of Colonel William Byrd, pages 300, 302, 390 ff. 

20 



tie them above the falls of Rappahannock River to serve as a 
barrier to the inhabitants of that part of the Country against 
the Incursions of the Indians and desiring the opinion of 
the Council whether in consideration of their usefulness for 
that purpose the Charge of building them a Fort, and clear- 
ing a road to their settlement and carrying thither two pieces 
of Canon and some ammunition may not properly be defrayed 
by the publick. 

" It is the unanimous opinion of this Board that the settle- 
ment, tending so much to the Security of that part of the 
Frontiers, it is reasonable that the expense proposed by the 
Governor in making thereof should be defrayed at the public 
charge of the Government, and that a quantity of powder and 
ball be delivered for their use out of her Majesty's magazine. 
And because the sd. Germans, arriving so late cannot pos- 
sibly this year cultivate any ground for the (ir) Subsistance, 
much less be able to pay the publick levies of the Govern- 
ment, It is the opinion of this Board that they be put under 
the denomination of Rangers to exempt them from that 
charge, and for the better enabling the sd Germans to supply 
by hunting the want of other provisions. It also ordered 
that all other persons be restrained from hunting on un- 
patented Lands near the Settlement".^ 

"To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade. July 21st, 1714. 

My Lords : 

Since my last of the 9th of March, (whereof the enclosed 
is a Duplicate) I have had the hon'r to receive y'r Lo'ps of 
the 6th of April, with the Treatys of Peace and Comerce, 
which I have accordingly made public. It is with great sat- 
isfaction that I can acquaint y'r Lo'ps that this Country en- 
joys a perfect peace, and that even the Indians, since the 
last Treaty made with them, have not offered the least dis- 
turbance, notwithstanding the Tuscaros, induced thereto, (as 
they say) by the people of Carolina, have departed from their 
agreements with this Governm't, and gon(e) to settle once 
more upon that Province, I continue, all resolv'd, to settle 
out our Tributary Indians as a guard to ye Frontiers, and 

^ Virginia Magazine, vol. XIII, page 362. 

21 



in order to supply that part, w'ch was to have been covered 
by the Tuscaruros, I have placed here a number of Protes- 
tant Germans, built them a fort and finished it with two 
pieces of Cannon and some Ammunition, which will awe 
the Stragling partys of Northern Indians, and be a good 
Barrier for all that part of the Country. These Germans 
were invited over, some years ago, by the Baron de Graffen- 
ried, who has her Majesty's Letter to ye Government of Virgi- 
nia to furnish them with Land upon their arrival. They are 
generally such as have been employed in their own country 
as Miners, and say they are satisfyed there are divers kinds 
of minerals in those upper parts of the Country where they 
are settled, and even a good appearance of Silver Oar, . . . " ^ 

Virginia, Feb'ry 7, 1715. 
''To the L'ds Cocc'rs of Trade and Plantation: (1716). 

...'As to the other Settlement, named Germanna, there 
are about forty Germans, Men, Women, and Children, who, 
having quitted their native Country upon the invitation of the 
Herr Graffenriedt, and being grievously dissapointed by his 
failure to perform his Engagements to them, and they arriv- 
ing also here just at a time when the Tuscaruro Indians de- 
parted from the Treaty they had made with this Government 
to settle upon its Northern Frontiers, I did, both in Com- 
passion to those poor Strangers and in regard to the safety 
of the Country, place them together upon a piece of Land, 
several Miles without the Inhabitants, where I built them 
Habitations, and subsisted them untill they were able, by their 
own Labour, to provide for themselves, and I presume I may, 
without a Crime or Misdemeanor, endeavor to put them in 
an honest way of paying their Just Debts . . . ' ^" 

This policy, pursued so consistently in New York, Virgi- 
nia, and Carolina, while doubtless a compliment to German 
courage and honesty, points to a contempt for them which 
has continued, in a more or less marked degree, down to the 
present time. The writer of the history of the Germans in 

^ Spotswood, vol. II, page 70. 

° Spotswood, vol. II, page 196. This refers to his employment of 
them in building and operating his blast furnaces. 

22 



Maine found in the state archives that those documents re- 
lating to the German colony of Waldo alone were unprinted, 
although this colony had had a history as interesting and as 
tragic as Deerfield or Schenectady, and no one can imagine 
documents relating to these two settlements remaining long 
unprinted in the public archives. Happily this attitude is 
changing, due largely to the efforts of the German Ameri- 
cans themselves and new chapters are constantly being added 
to the story of their part in the making of our country. 

PART II. 

The Newbern Adventures. 

Chapter I. 

Graff enried's early life. 

Christoph von Graff enried, the eldest of several chil- 
dren, was bom at Bern, Switzerland, about the first of No- 
vember, 1661. His father, Anton von Graff enried, was a 
member of the patrician family of that name, and while not 
rich in his younger days, he had claims on profitable poli- 
tical positions, but, what is more important, he possessed the 
ability to succeed and to keep his wealth on a solid and con- 
servative foundation. He was frugal in his expenditures, 
honest in his business relations, unaffectionate in his family 
life. He could never understand nor sympathize with Chris- 
toph, who had an adventuresome disposition even as a child, 
and father and son were always more or less estranged. INIore- 
over, Christoph 's mother died when the boy was only a few 
years old, but her place was soon after taken by a stepmother. 

At seven years of age Christoph was one of five little 
boys sent to a Latin teacher who insisted that the pupils 
speak Latin, and punished infractions of the rule with fines. 
Judging from the Latin in the German version of his ac- 
count, the school was not a success in his case, and Anton 
found the fines he was called upon to pay a grievous hard- 
ship. Other offenses brought punishments so severe that the 
boy ran away to one of his relatives for protection, through 
whose intercession he was allowed to remain at home. 

In 1676 Anton von Graffenried went into partnership with 

23 



the foreman and purchased a salt works at Roche. The fam- 
ilies were so friendly at the start that the plan was made, 
very agreeably to the young people, that Christoph should 
marry the foreman's daughter. But a quarrel arising over 
the claims of the two fathers in the business, the relation 
was broken off, never to be renewed. 

Not long after this, Sir William Waller, a relative of one 
of the 'regicides', who had come to Bern for protection, saw 
the boy and was so impressed by his appearance and man- 
ners, that he encouraged him to go to England to try his 
fortune there, and the father was so far persuaded that he 
was making plans to send him to England when a better 
way seemed to present itself. One of Anton's brothers was 
a chamberlain and captain in the body guard of the Elector 
of Saxony, and it was hoped that Christoph would be 
able to get a place at that court through his influence. But 
the captain died at just this time and the hope was shattered. 
Christoph then went to school in Geneva. He was still 
restless, however, and wanted to travel on the 20,000£ which 
fell to him from his mother. Anton did not approve of the 
plan but after a violent argument gave his consent for the 
lad to go under the conduct of a theological student who was 
to supervise the expenditures as well. The two went to Hei- 
delberg, where Christoph was soon in the politest society, 
thanks to his family name and his own engaging appearance. 
His intercourse in the Elector's social circle progressed bet- 
ter than his university studies ; and when the story of a duel 
came to Bern, Anton concluded it was time for his son to 
change his location. In Leyden, where he next went to study, 
his law, history and mathematics progressed better, and he 
stayed two years. 

Through Sir William Waller's influence Anton now al- 
lowed his son to go to England, where he was promised a po- 
sition with Mr. Roux, secretary to the Duke of Carlyle on his 
embassy to Constantinople. Since the father expected Sir 
William to advance what money Christoph would need, no 
money accompanied the letter of introduction; and when 
the young Switzer landed in London, ten ducats was all he had 

24 



in his pockets. At this time he did not speak English, and 
it was only by chance that he found a German porter who 
could understand him. With such directions as this man 
could give him, he found Sir William Waller's house. Lady 
Waller met him and from her manner he could guess that 
nothing was to be expected from Sir William, who was at 
that time in the Fleet for debt.^ Through the porter Graf- 
fenried learned that the Duke had already gone to Constan- 
tinople, and all hopes of an appointment disappeared. This 
same porter also introduced him to a Swiss locksmith by the 
name of Engel, with whom he stayed until money arrived 
from Bern. Thereupon he took lodging with Pastor Horneg, 
chaplain to the Duke of Marlborough, and not long after was 
introduced into the society of the Duke by a German friend, 
a trumpet major in the army ; and from this time he moved in 
the society of courtiers and was even presented to King 
Charles II himself. 

In 1682 the Duke of Albemarle, chancellor of Cambridge 
University, was not able to be present at the conferring of 
degrees and sent two of his friends, Farwel and Graffenried, 
to represent him. And we may judge of the favor and pop- 
ularity of the latter when we learn that to his astonishment 
the doctorate was offered him. He refused, however, saying 
that he was not w^orthy, since he had not studied for such a 
degree, but that he would accept a degree of Master of Arts, 
according to the proverb. In omnibus aliquid, in toto nihil. 

Meanwhile Graffenried had fallen in love with a niece of 
the Duke of Buckingham, a lady of good birth but poor fam- 
ily. Money and station were, nevertheless, necessary to suc- 
ceed in the courtship of a lady of rank; and so he planned 
to buy a vacant commission as cornet in the British army. 
This would cost a thousand pounds, but would pay well 
when secured and would enable him to pursue his courtship 
with some prospect of success. A letter to Bern asking for 
money and for permission to take this place was answered 
by a summons to start for home immediately, with the pen- 

'Luttrell, vol. I, pp. 84 and 91. This was between the 11th and 25th 
of May, 1681. 

25 



alty of losing his prerogatives and right to act as his grand- 
father's substitute in the government at "Worb, in case he re- 
fused. Not even money for the whole journey was allowed 
him, but his way was paid stage by stage through designated 
persons. All this was caused by a false report spread by one 
of his own countrymen, to the effect that he was acting the 
spendthrift, and Anton learned the truth too late to repair 
the injury entirely. It was no use to go back to England 
now, and with his father's permission, Christoph stayed a 
year in France. His social success was as great here as it 
had been in England. Reports of him reached Louis XIV 
and Graffenried had the pleasure of meeting both the Dauphin 
and the great king. After this he spent some time in Lyons 
and finally reached home some time about 1683. Reproaches 
for the wasted time and money were not lacking, and Anton 
decided it was time for the son to marry, and settle down in 
an office. Christoph showed no enthusiasm for marriage 
and left the choice largely to his relatives, with the result that 
he married Regine Tscharner in 1684. On this occasion An- 
ton showed himself so niggardly that the groom had to lend 
him money with which to buy presents and hire the carriage 
himself. 

It was hoped that the grandfather would now assist 
Christoph to an office, but the old gentleman died too soon 
and Christoph was several years obtaining even a minor 
appointment. At length, however, he became bailiff of Ifer- 
ton in Neuchatel in 1702. This had the reputation of being 
a lucrative position, but the festivities which custom com- 
pelled him to give on his induction into office, reduced the 
profits of the first year ; and the next year during the religious 
troubles Iferton had to support a garrison. The bailiff had 
to keep open house for officers; besides other officials and 
friends came to pay him their respects, and these merry, but 
expensive occasions were a heavy drain upon his resources. 
For out of 200 dubloons spent, only fifty were repaid him by 
the state. Graffenried also had a feeling for the peasants, 
and did not wring as much from them as he might have done, 
and as was the usual practice of bailiffs. Meanwhile his 

26 



family was increasing. He made bad speculations, gave se- 
curities, and contracted debts until prospects of a catastrophy 
began to loom up before him when his term of office should 
end in 1708. The strife over Neuchatel, the violation of the 
peace by the war of the Spanish succession, the troubles be- 
tween the Protestant and the Catholic cantons, and the con- 
tinual persecutions of the Anabaptists made his home dis- 
tasteful to him, the ambitions of his youth returned with a 
renewed force, and now he determined to seek in America the 
fortune which was denied him at home. 

The account of his life thus far, taken mostly from papers 
in the Graffenried family,^ by one of his descendants, shows 
that Christoph von Graffenried was no ordinary man. He 
had the ability of making friends, and inspired confidence in 
people. He had an acute mind, and above all, possessed the 
love of adventure necessary to the success of such an under- 
taking as that on which he was embarking. The failure of 
his plans must be laid, not to him, but to circumstances over 
which he had no control, and which he could not, by any 
possibility, have foreseen. 

Chapter II. 

Literature which Graffenried studied hefore deciding to go to 
America — Blome — Hennepin — Kocherthal. 

Graffenried, we know, had long been considering the bet- 
tering of his fortune in America. He had made extensive 
inquiries about mines, agriculture, and the best means of set- 
tling there, and the authors he read certainly included Blome, 
Hennepin, and Kocherthal. Blome gives a brief description 
of all the English colonies, and speaks favorably of them. 
Hennepin, among other things, has this to say of Carolina: 
"So that the Providence of the Almighty God seems to have 
reserv'd this country for the English, a Patent whereof was 
granted Fifty years ago to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, 
who have made great Discoveries therein, seven hundred 
Miles Westerly from the Mountains, which separate between 
it Carolina and Virginia, and Six hundred IMiles from North 

* Neujahrsblatt, page 4 ff. 

27 



to South, from the Gulf of Mexico to the great Inland Lakes, 
which are situated behind the Mountains of Carolina and 
Virginia. Besides, they have an account of all the Coast, 
from the Cape of Florida to the River Panuco, the Northerly 
Bounds of the Spaniards on the Gulf of Mexico, together 
with most of the chief Harbours, Rivers, and Islands there- 
unto appertaining; and are about to establish a very con- 
siderable Colony on some part of the Great River, as soon as 
they have agreed upon the Boundaries, or Limits, which 
Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who claim by a Patent pro- 
cured long after that of Carolina. But there being space 
enough for both, and the Proprietors generally inclin'd to an 
amicable conclusion, the Success of this undertaking is im- 
patiently expected. For considering the Benignity of the 
Climate, the Healthfulness of the Country, the Fruitfulness 
of the Soil, Ingenuity and Tractableness of the Inhabitants, 
Variety of Productions, if prudently manag'd, it cannot, 
humanely speaking, fail of proving one of the most consid- 
erable Colonies on the North-Continent of America, profitable 
to the Publick and to the Undertakers.^ ' ' 

Other accounts of Carolina,^ all favorable, but less en- 
tertainingly written, by Home, Smith, by one T. A. (proba- 
bly Thomas Ashe), and by Archdale had appeared before this : 
and Graffenried may have been acquainted with some or all 
of these. Kocherthal's Bericht was undoubtedly the most in- 
fluential book among German speaking people, having reached 
the fourth edition in 1709. It contains a rather detailed de- 
scription of the country, plants, animals, and products, and 
has little but praise for the new country. On the subject 
of greatest concern, the danger from the Indians, it reads 
as follows:^ 

9Wtt benen ^nbianern leben aui) bte GnglifdEien aUba in t)oII= 
fommener greunbfd^aft unb gutem SBernel^men in bem fie beiber= 
fett§ einonber gar nii^IidE) unb gutraglidf) fetin: unb tragen bie 
Sorb§ / fo ©igentl^umS ^errn biefe§ SanbeS ftnb / gute ®org= 

* New Discovery of a vast Country in America. Reprinted by 
Thwaites page 672. 

^ Carroll's Collections, vol. II. 

* Kocherthal, page 57. 

28 



folt / ha^ ii)nen nid^tS unbiHtgeS augefiigt tt)erbe. @te l^aBen gu 
fold^em dnbe ein fonberItd)e§ ©eridite ongeorbnet unb Beftellet / 
tveldfe^ au§ benen 33ef(^etbenften unb bem @igen=9^u^ am trenig- 
ften ergebenen Qmtvo^nevn Befte^et: tDorinnen benn alle bie @tret= 
tigfeiten Beigeleget hierben follen / fo ftd^ eitva 3tx)ifd)en benen 
6nglifcf)en unb trgenb etnem bon ben ^nbtonern autragen mo(^= 
ten h5elrf)e§ fie BIo§ oufe einer ©l^riftlidfien unb berniinfttg btHi= 
d^en ©etoegung getl^an / feineSmegg obex barum / aU oB nton 
fid^ etn)a eintger ©efal^r bon tfinen 5u Beforgen l^otte. 

(S§ finb nemlid) bie ^nbianer BiBanl^ero ftetig untereinanber 
[o im ^riege bertridfelt gehjefen . . . bai^ felbige biefem 3SoIf ntrf)t 
gugelaffen fioben, fidf) fonberlid^ gu bermefiren ober sugunefimen . . . 
Xie\e§> berurfad^et bemnad^ / bofe bie an -DZannid^nft fo fd)tt)arf) / 
and} iibcr bi^ fo gerteilet Bleiben / ba% bie Gnglifd^en bon ibnen 
nid^t bie oEergeringfte g^ord^t J^oben / ober fid^ einiger Oefal^r 
beforgen borffen / . . . 

With all natural conditions so favorable and no harm to be 
feared from the natives, it is not to be wondered at that 
America and particularly Carolina was very attractive to 
Graff enried. 

Chapter III. 
Another Colonization Project — Graff enried meets the Agent — 
Franz Louis Michel — Fully persuaded to go to America — 
Graffenried leaves for England and meets John Lawson. 
While Graffenried was still in Switzerland the Canton of 
Bern had begun to negotiate through a former citizen of 
Bern, Franz Louis Michel, for land in North Carolina ^ and 
Virginia.^ They requested to be allowed to hold whatever 
tract they should buy independently of either the Proprietors 
of Carolina or the Governor of Virginia.^ Since such a re- 
quest could not, of course, be granted, nothing definite was 
done concerning purchase. An independent colonization pro- 
ject was started however, the chief member of which was a 
man named Ritter.* 

*Lawson's Journal, page 205-6 ff. 

* French version. 

* French Version. 

*Neujahrsblatt, page 21. Bernische Taufer, page 258. 

29 



In 1708 Michel was back in Bern ^ again and from him 
Graffenried informed himself more fully about conditions 
in America, and Michel's favorable reports fully persuaded 
him to go to the New World. His plan had no connection 
as yet with the colonization schemes of the Canton of Bern 
or the Ritter Company, as will be shown later. All he had 
in mind was to go over to America, and following Michel's 
directions and maps, to find the deposits of silver ore, which 
he, together with Michel, expected to work for their own 
profit, using for this purpose miners from Germany, who 
should be engaged before he left, but who were not to emi- 
grate until he sent for them.^ Accordingly, when his term of 
office ended in 1708,^ Graffenried left Switzerland secretly, 
not even telling his friends of his plans, and went first to Hol- 
land and then to England. While in Holland, or on his way 
there, he engaged twelve miners to come to him when he 
should send for them.* 

During his stay in England Graffenried became acquainted 
with Michel's friend John Lawson, who was having the ac- 
count of his travels in Carolina printed. None of the de- 
scriptions with which Graffenried was acquainted, except 
Hennepin's, compare in interest and freshness with Law- 
son's Journal. He had been eight years in Carolina, and had 
taken a thousand mile journey from Charleston to a point 
near the present site of Newbern, making, however, a wide 
circuit in which he ascended the Santee River to its sources, 
and then turned northward, crossing the upper waters of the 
Congaree, Wateree, and Yadkin Rivers, then bearing more to 
the east until he reached the Moratok, now the Roanoke River, 
some 120 miles above its mouth. 

From this point he went southward, almost to Chatoka, 
now Newbern. This trip gave him a good idea of the coun- 
try and its inhabitants, at least Graffenried must have thought 
so, and furthermore, he confirmed Michel's reports about the 
presence of silver ore. 

^ French Version, German Version. 
^ French Version, German Version. 
^Neujahrsblatt, page 17. 
* French Version, German Version. 

30 



The passages and abstracts from Lawson's book which 
follow will give an idea of his style and the kind of argu- 
ments that doubtless influenced Graifenried to go to Caro- 
lina rather than to Virginia as he intended at first to do. 
As copies of the book are very rare and not easily accessible, 
and Lawson was from this time on so intimately associated 
with Graffenried, I have made the quotations and extracts 
rather full. 

Chapter IV. 

John Lawson and his Journal. 

Lawson began his journey of exploration December 28, 
1700. There were six Englishmen, three Indian men and an 
Indian woman, the wife of one of the guides, in the party. 
They canoed from Charleston to the Santee River, up which 
they rowed several days, and as occasion required enjoyed 
the hospitality of the French settlers along the river. The 
following extracts wiU show how he livened up his descrip- 
tion. 

"Monday. The next morning very early we ferry 'd over 
a Creek that runs near the House; and, after an Hour's 
Travel in the Woods, we came to the River-side, where we 
stay'd for the Indian, who was our Guide, and was gone 
around by Water in a small Canoe, to meet us at the Place 
we rested at. He came after a small time and ferry 'd us in 
that little Vessel over Santee River 4 Miles, and 84 Miles in 
the Woods, which the overflowing of the Freshes, which then 
came down, had made a perfect Sea of, there running an in- 
credible Current in the River, which had cast our small Craft 
and us away, had we not had this Sewee Indian with us; 
who are excellent Artists in managing these small Canoes. 

"Santee River, at this time, (from the usual Depth of Wa- 
ter) was risen perpendicular 36 Foot, always making a 
Breach from her Banks, about this Season of the Year. The 
general Opinion of the cause thereof, is suppos'd to proceed 
from the overflowing of fresh Water-Lakes that lie near the 
Head of this River, and other upon the same Continent ; But 
my Opinion is, that these vast Inundations proceed from the 

31 



great and repeated Quantities of Snow that falls upon the 
Mountains, which lie at so great a Distance from the Sea, 
therefore they have no Help of being dissolv'd by those 
saline, piercing Particles, as other adjacent Parts near the 
Ocean receives: and therefore lies and increases to a vast 
Bulk, until some mild Southerly Breezes coming on a sud- 
den, continue to unlock these frozen Bodies, congeal'd by 
the North-West Wind : dissipating them in Liquids : and com- 
ing down with Impetuosity, fills those Branches that feed 
these Rivers, and causes this strange Deluge, which oft-times 
lays under Water for Miles distant from the Banks: tho' the 
French and Indians affirmed to me they never knew such ex- 
traordinary Floods there before. 

''We all by God's Blessing and the Endeavors of our In- 
dian-Pilot, pass'd safe over the River, but was lost in the 
Woods which seem'd like some great Lake, except here and 
there a Knowl of high Land, which appeared above water. 

"We intended for Mons. Galliar's, jun ; but was lost, none 
of us knowing the Way at that Time, altho' the Indian was 
born in the Country, it having receiv'd so strange a Meta- 
morphosis. We were in several Opinions concerning the right 
way, the Indian and myself, suppos'd the House to bear one 
Way, the rest thought to the contrary; we differing, it was 
agreed amongst us that one half should go with the Indian 
to find the House and the other part to stay upon one of these 
dry Spots, until some of them returned to us, and inform 'd 
us where it lay. 

"Myself and two more were left behind, by Reason the 
Canoe would not carry us all : we had but one Gun amongst us, 
one Load of Ammunition, and no Provision, Had our Men 
in the Canoe miscarry 'd, we must (in all Probability) there 
have perish'd. 

"In about six Hour's Time, from our Mens Departure, the 
Indian came back to us in the Same Canoe he went in, being 
half drunk, which assur'd us they had found some Place of 
Refreshment. He took us three into the canoe, telling us 
all was well: Paddling our Vessel several Miles thro' the 
Woods, being often half full of water; but at length we got 

32 



safe to the Place we sought for, which prov'd to lie the same 
Way the Indian and I guess 'd it did.^" 

Another Short Extract speaking of the Indians. 

"Amongst Women it seems impossible to find a scold; if 
they are provok'd, or affronted, by their Husbands, or some 
other, they resent the Indignity offer 'd them in silent Tears, 
or by refusing their Meat. Would some of our European 
Daughters of Thunder set these Indians for a Pattern, there 
might be more quiet Families found amongst them, occasion 'd 
by that unruly Member, the Tongue.- 

''A Second Settlement of this Country was made about 
fifty years ago, in that part we now call Albemarle County 
and chiefly in Chuwon Precinct, by several substantial Plant- 
ers from Virginia and other Plantations; Who finding mild 
winters, and a fertile Soil beyond Expectation, producing that 
which was planted to a prodigious Increase, their Cattle, 
Horses, Sheep and Swine breeding very fast, and passing the 
Winter without any Assistance from the Planter: so that 
everything seem'd to come by Nature, the Husbandman living 
almost devoid of Care, and free from those Fatigues which are 
absolutely requisite in Winter-Countries, for providing Fod- 
der and other Necessaries; these Encouragements induced 
them to stand their Ground altho' but a handful of People, 
seated at great Distances one from another, and amidst a 
vast number of Indians of different Nations, who were then 
in Carolina. Nevertheless, I say, the Fame of this new dis- 
covered Summer-Country spread through the neighboring 
Colonies, and in a few Years, drew a considerable number of 
Families thereto, who all found Land enough to settle them- 
selves in (had there been many Thousands more) and that 
which was very good and commodiously seated, both for Pro- 
fit and Pleasure. And indeed, most of the Plantations in 
Carolina naturally enjoy a noble Prospect of large and spac- 
ious Rivers, pleasant Savannas and fine Meadows with their 
green Liveries, interwoven with beautiful Flowers, of most 
glorious Colours, which the several Seasons afford; hedged 
in with pleasant Groves of the ever-famous Tulip-tree, the 

*Lawson's Journal, page 4 flF. 
*Lawson's Journal, page 37. 

33 



stately Laurel, and Bays, equalizing the Oak in Bigness and 
Growth; Myrtles, Jessamines, Woodbines, Honeysuckles, and 
several other fragrant Vines and Ever-Greens, whose aspir- 
ing Branches shadow and interweave themselves with the 
loftiest Timbers, yielding a pleasant Prospect, Shade and 
Smell, proper Habitations for the Sweet-singing Birds, that 
melodiously entertain such as travel thro' the Woods of Car- 
olina. 

''The Planters possessing all these Blessings, and the Pro- 
duce of great Quantities of Wheat and Indian Com in which 
this Country is very fruitful as likewise in Beef, Pork, Tallow, 
Hides, Deer-Skins and Furs; for these Commodities the New- 
England-Men and Bermudians visited Carolina in their Barks 
and Sloops, and carry 'd out what they made, bringing them 
in exchange Rum, Sugar, Salt, Molasses and some wearing 
Apparel, tho' the last at very extravagant Prices. 

"As the Land is very fruitful, so are the Planters kind and 
hospitable to all that come to visit them; there being very 
few Housekeepers, but what live very nobly, and give away 
more provisions to Coasters and Guests who come to see them, 
than they expend amongst their own Families.^ 

"When we consider the Latitude and convenient Situa- 
tion of Carolina, had we no farther Confirmation thereof, 
our Reason would inform us, that such a Place lay fairly to 
be a delicious Country, being placed in that Girdle of the 
World which affords Wine, Oil, Fruit, Grain, Silk with other 
rich Commodities, besides a sweet Air, moderate Climate, and 
fertile Soil; these are the Blessings (under Heaven's Pro- 
tection) that spin out the Thread of life to its utmost Ex- 
tent, and Crown our Days with the Sweets of Health and 
Plenty, which, when join'd with Content, renders the Pos- 
sessors the happiest Race of Men upon Earth. 

"The Inhabitants of Carolina, thro' the Richness of the 
Soil, live an easy and pleasant Life. The Land being of sev- 
eral sorts of Compost, some stiff, others light, some marl, 
others rich black Mould; here barren of Pine, but affording 
Pitch, tar and Masts; there vastly rich, especially on the 

^ Lawson's Journal, page 62 ff. 

34 



Freshes of the Rivers, one part bearing great Timbers, others 
being Savannas or natural Meads, where no trees grow for 
several Miles, adorn 'd by Nature with a pleasant Verdure, and 
beautiful Flowers, frequent in no other Places, yielding abund- 
ance of Herbage for Cattle, Sheep and Horse. The Coun- 
try in general affords pleasant Seats, the Land (except in 
some few Places) being dry and high Banks, parcell'd out in- 
to most convenient Necks, (by the Creeks) easy to be fenced 
in for securing their Stocks to more strict Boundaries, where- 
by, with a small trouble of fencing, almost every man may 
enjoy, to himself, an entire Plantation, or rather Park. These 
with the other Benefits of Plenty of Fish, Wild Fowl, Venison, 
and other Conveniences which the Summer-Country nat- 
urally furnishes, has indue 'd a great many Families to leave 
the more Northerly Platations, and sit down under one of 
the mildest Governments in the World; in a Country that, 
with moderate Industry, will afford all the Necessaries of 
Life. We have yearly abundance of Strangers come among 
us, who chiefly strive to the Southerly to settle because there 
is a vast Tract of rich Land betwixt the Place we are seated 
on, and Cape-Fair, and upon that River, and more Souther- 
ly, which is inhabited by none but a few Indians, who are at 
this time well affected to the English, and very desirous of 
their coming to live among them. The more Southerly, the 
milder Winters, with the advantage of purchasing the Lords 
Land at the most easy and moderate Rate of any Lands in 
America, nay (allowing all advantages thereto annex 'd) I 
may say, the Universe does not afford such another; Besides, 
Men have a great Advantage of choosing good and commo- 
dious Tracts of Land at the first Seating of a Country or 
River, where as the later Settlers are forced to purchase 
smaller Dividends of the old Standers, and sometimes at 
very considerable Rates; as now in Virginia and Maryland, 
where a thousand Acres of good Land cannot be bought un- 
der twenty Shillings an Acre, besides two Shillings yearly 
Acknowledgement for every hundred Acres; which Sum, be 
it more or less, will serve to put the Merchant or Planter 
here into a good Posture of Buildings, Slaves, and other Ne- 

35 



eessaries, where the Purchase of his Land comes to him on 
such easy Terms. And as our Grain and pulse thrives with 
us to admiration, no less do our Stocks of Cattle, Horses, 
Sheep, and Swine multiply.^ 

"The Christian Natives of Carolina are a straight, clean- 
limb 'd People; the Children being seldom or never troubled 
with Ricketts, or those other Distempers, that the Europeans 
are visited withal. 'Tis next to a Miracle to see one of them 
deformed in Body. The Vicinity of the Sun makes Impres- 
sion on the Men, who labour out of doors, or use the "Water. 
As for those Women, that do not expose themselves to the 
"Weather, they are often very fair, and generally as well fea- 
tur'd, as you shall see anywhere, and have very brisk charm- 
ing Eyes, which sets them off to Advantage. They marry 
very young; Some at Thirteen or Fourteen; and She that 
stays 'till Twenty is reckoned a stale Maid; which is a very 
indifferent Character in that warm Country. The Women 
are very fruitful ; most Houses being full of Little Ones. It 
has been observ'd that Women long marry 'd, and without 
Children, in other Places, have remov'd to Carolina and be- 
come joyful Mothers. They have very easy Travail in their 
Child-bearing, in which they are so happy, as seldom to mis- 
carry. Both Sexes are generally spare of Body, and not 
Cholerick, nor easily cast down at Disappointment and Los- 
ses, seldom immoderately grieving at Misfortunes, unless for 
the Loss of their nearest Relations and Friends, which seems 
to make a more than ordinary Impression upon them. Many 
of the Women are very handy in Canoes, and will manage 
them with great Dexterity and Skill, which they become ac- 
customed to in this watery Country. They are ready to help 
their Husbands in any servile Work, as Planting, when the 
Season of the Weather requires Expedition; Pride seldom 
banishing good Housewifery. The Girls are not bred up to 
the Wheel and Sewing only; but the Dairy and Affairs of 
the House they are very well acquainted withal ; so that you 
shall see them, whilst very young, manage their Business with 
a great deal of Conduct and Alacrity. The Children of both 

* Lawson's Journal, page 79 flF. 

36 



Sexes are very docile, and learn anything with a great deal 
of Ease and Method; and those that have the Advantages 
of Education, write good Hands, and prove good account- 
ants, which is most coveted, and indeed most necessary in 
these Parts. The young Men are commonly of a bashful, 
sober Behavior; few proving Prodigals, to consume what the 
Industry of their Parents has left them, but commonly improve 

it ' 

I shall add this: That with prudent Management, I can 
affirm, by Experience, not by Hear-say, that any Person, 
with a small Beginning, may live very comfortably, and not 
only provide for the Necessaries of Life but likewise for 
those that are to succeed him ^ 

"Moreover it is remarkable, that no Place on the Conti- 
nent of America has seated an English Colony so free from 
Bloodshed as Carolina; but all the others, have been more 
damag 'd and disturb 'd by the Indians than they have, which is 
worthy Notice, when one considers how oddly it was first 
planted with Inhabitants ^ 

"Great Plenty is generally the Ruin of Industry. Thus 
our Merchants are not many, nor have those few there be, 
apply 'd themselves to the European Trade. The Planter 
sits contented at home, whilst his Oxen thrive and grow fat, 
and his Stocks daily increase; the fatted Porkets and Poul- 
try are easily raised to his Table, and his Orchard affords 
him Liquor so that he eats, and drinks away the Cares of 
the World and desires no greater Happiness, than that which 
he daily enjoys. Whereas, not only the European, but also 
the Indian-Trade might be carried on to great profit, because 
we lie as fairly for the Body of Indians, as any Settlement 
in English- America ; and for the small trade that has been 
carried on in the Way, the Dealers therein have throve as 
fast as any Men, and the soonest raised themselves of any 
People I have known in Carolina.* .... 

* Lawson's Journal, page 84. 

^ Lawson's Journal, page 86. 

* Lawson's Journal, page 86. 

* Lawson's Journal, page 86 ff. 

37 



''One great advantage of North Carolina is that we are 
not a Frontier, and near the Enemy; which proves very 
chargeable and troublesome, in time of War, to those Colo- 
nies that are so seated. Another great Advantage comes 
from its being near Virginia, where we come often to a good 
Market, at the Return of the Guinea-Ships for Negro's, and 
the Remnant of their Stores, which is very commodious for the 
Indian trade ^ 

"Therefore as my Intent was, I proceed to what remains 
of the Present State of Carolina, having already accounted 
for the Animals, and Vegetables, as far as this Volume would 
allow of; whereby the Remainder, though not exactly known, 
may yet be guess 'd at, if we consider what Latitude Caro- 
lina lies in, which reaches from 29 to 36 deg., 30 min. 
Northern Latitude, as I have before observ'd. Which Lati- 
tude is as fertile and pleasant, as any in the World, as well 
as for the Produce of Minerals, Fruit, Grain, and Wine, as 
other rich Commodities. And indeed, all the Experiments 
that have been made in Carolina, of the Fertility and nat- 
ural Advantages of the Country, have exceeded all Expec- 
tation, as affording some Commodities, which other Places, 
in the same Latitude, do not. As for Minerals, as they are 
subterraneous Products, so, in all new Countries, they are 
the Species that are last discover 'd; and especially in Caro- 
lina, where the Indians never look for any thing lower than 
the Superficies of the Earth, being a Race of Men the least 
addicted to delving of any People that inhabit so fine a 
Country as Carolina is. As good if not better Mines than 
those of the Spaniards in America, lie full West from us ; 
and I am certain, we have Mountanous Land, and as great 
Probability of having rich Minerals in Carolina, as any of 
those Parts are already found to be so rich therein. But, 
waving this subject, till some other Opportunity, I shall 
now give you some Observations in general, concerning Car- 
olina; which are, first, that it lies as convenient for trade as 
any of the Plantations in America "^ 

* Lawson's Journal, page 88 ff. 
'Lawson's Journal, page 163. 

38 



The Healthfulness of the Country is praised next. He 
says that gout is rare and consumption they are wholly 
strangers to. 

The trade with Virginia is good, for ships visiting there 
provision themselves from the products of Carolina and give 
bills of exchange for England which are as good as Sterling 
money, and while Tobacco may be very cheap at times pro- 
visions are always in demand. Besides the Carolinians can 
get to market when the northern colonies are frozen up. 
The Sand banks protect the coast from enemies, yet allow 
trading vessels to approach.^ 

"If a Man be a Botanist, here is a plentiful Field of 
Plants to divert him in; if he be a Gardner, and delight in 
that pleasant and happy Life, he will meet with a Climate 
and Soil, that will further and promote his Designs, in as 
great a Measure, as any Man can wish for; and as for the 
Constitution of this Government, it is so mild and easy, in 
respect to the Properties and Liberties of a Subject, that 
without rehearsing the Particulars, I say once for all, it is 
the mildest and best established Government in tlie World, 
and the Place where any Man may peaceably enjoy his own, 
without being invaded by another. Rank and Superiority 
ever giving place to Justice and Equity which is the Gol- 
den Rule that every Government ought to be built upon, 
and regulated by. Besides, it is worthy our Notice, that 
this Province has been settled, and continued the most free 
from the Insults and Barbarities of the Indians, of any 
Colony that was ever yet seated in America; which must 
be esteemed as a particular Providence of God handed 
down from Heaven, to these People; especially when we 
consider, how irregularly they settled North Carolina, 
and yet how undisturb'd they have remain 'd, free from 
any Foreign Danger or Loss, even to this very Day. And 
what may well be looked upon for as great a Miracle, 
this is a Place, where no Malefactors are found, deserving 
Death, or even a Prison for Debtors; there being no more 
than two Persons, that, so far as I have been able to learn, 
ever suffer 'd as Criminals, although it has been a Settlement 

^Lawson's Journal, page 164, 64. A summary. 

39 



near sixty years; One of whom was a Turk that committed 
Murder ; the other, an old Woman, for Witchcraft. These, 'tis 
true were on the Stage and acted many Years, before I knew 
the Place; but as for the last, I wish it had been undone to 
this Day; although they give a great many Arguments to 
justifie the Deed, which I should rather they should have a 
hand in, than myself ; feeling I could never approve of taking 
Life away upon such Accusations, the Justice whereof I 
could never yet understand.^ 

"But to return to the Subject in Hand; we there make ex- 
traordinary good Bricks throughout the Settlement. All 
sorts of Handicrafts, as Carpenters, Joiners, Masons, Plais- 
terers, Shooemakers, Tanners, Taylors, Weavers, and most 
others may, with small Beginnings, and God's Blessing, 
thrive very well in this Place, and provide Estates for their 
Children, Land being sold at a much cheaper Rate there, than 
in any other Place in America, and may, as I suppose, be 
purchased of the Lords-Proprietors here in England, or of 
the Gouvernour there for the time being, by any that shall 
have a mind to transport themselves to that Country. The 
Farmers that go thither (for which sort of men it is a very 
thriving place) should take some particular Seeds of Grass, 
as Trefoil, Clover-grass all sorts, Sanfoin, and Common Grass 
. . . Hoes of all sorts. Axes, Saws, Wedges, Augurs, Nails 
Hammers, Tools for Brick and Stonework." 

He compares the price of land which is 1/50 in Carolina 
of what it is in Virginia with a lower quit rent. 

And as there is a free Exercise of all Persuasions amongst 
Christians, the Lords Proprietors, to encourage Ministers of 
the Church of England, have given free Land towards the 
Maintenance of a Church, and especially, for the Parish of 
S. Thomas in Pampticough, over against the Town, is already 
laid out for a Glebe of two hundred and twenty three Acres 
of rich well-situated Land, that a Parsonage House may be 
built upon.^ 

It is noticeable, in view of what followed, that none of the 
accounts referred to show any apprehension of immediate 

* Lawson's Journal, page 166 ff. 

"Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff. Partly a summary. 

40 



danger from the Indians, though Spots wood's correspondence 
and Byrd's writings prove that they recognized that such a 
menace existed, and one cannot but believe that these ac- 
counts glossed over the danger in the attempt to attract set- 
tlers. 

This is sufficient to show why Graffenried decided to turn 
towards North Carolina when occasion afforded him the 
chance. As yet he had no other colonists engaged than his 
few miners and their families. It was not long though before 
he had prospect of a considerable increase in the size and dig- 
nity of his undertaking. 

Chapter V. 

Graffenried and Michel unite their mining project to the Bern- 
Ritter colonization company of which Michel is agent — 
Graffenried made Landgrave — Negotiations for land and 
settlers — 650 Palatines secured — they start in January, 
1710 — Difficulties in getting the Bern convicts through 
Holland — Graffenried and Michel secure mining conces- 
sions — Discussion of the contract with the George Bitter 
Company — Assistance promised hy the proprietors — Swiss 
colony starts in the summer of 1710. 

The early part of the year 1709 found Graffenried in Lon- 
don, waiting to see what could be done about his intended 
mines. To a man of active temperament, burdened with debts, 
and anxious to get something started that would enable him 
to clear them, the delays of this year must have been most 
exasperating. His plans so far were only tentative and he 
was waiting for any better offer that might be made him 
by any of his friends in England. 

His partner, Franz Louis Michel, as has been stated in 
chapter III, was meanwhile conducting the negotiations for 
the Ritter Company. This company was also to bring over 
religious convicts for the Canton of Bern ; and so had a semi- 
official character.^ On the 28th of April, 1709, Mr. Mitch- 
ells Proposals in the name of some of the Swiss Cantons of 
Bern were read (at Craven House) and it was then agreed 
that 10,000 Acres of Land on or betwixt News or Cape Fear 

^Muller, Bernische Taufer, page 258. 

41 



or their branches in North Carolina should be set out for the 
Proposers or their heirs they paying to the Lords Proprie- 
tors £10 purchase money for each thousand acres and 5 shil- 
lings yearly as a quittrent for each thousand acres to the 
Lords Proprietors and their Heirs forever. 

Agreed further that 100,000 Acres be reserved to the pro- 
posers for 12 years during which term no other person shall 
purchase any of the same, which said 100,000 Acres are to 
be set out by the Surveyor General and may be purchased 
by any of the Proposers at the rate above mentioned during 
the term of seven years but after that time is expired they 
are to pay according to the custome of that part of the Prov- 
ince. 

And lastly that one of their number be made a Landgrave 
he paying for 5000 acres the usuall purchase money for each 
1000 acres the customary quitrent for every 100 acres to the 
Lords Proprietors for the same.^ 

Meanwhile the influx of Germans into England, treated 
of in chapters I and II, was beginning. On the 28 of April, 
the day that Michel's proposals were read, Luttrell mentions 
that, "the elector palatine, upon many protestant families 
leaving his domains, and gone for England to be transported 
to Pennsylvania, has publish 'd an order, making it death 
and confiscation of goods for any of his subjects to quitt 
their native country".^ Some time after this they arrived in 
England. From this passage, as well as from the encourage- 
ment the people themselves received, it is clear that the gen- 
eral notion was that these Germans were to be sent to Ameri- 
ca. But now with a greater number of people on their hands 
than they expected, there was difficulty in executing the plan. 
Schemes were proposed; some suggested Reya de la Plata, 
Jamaica, the sugar islands, the Canary Islands, New Eng- 
land, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Jerseys, Maryland, and 
England itself.^ The Proprietors also wanted to share in 
any advantage that might be reaped from the foreigners ; and 

'Col. Rec, vol. I, page 707. 
» Luttrell, vol. VI, page 435. 
•Ecd. Rec, vol. 3, page 1790. 

42 



on July 11 "detailed proposals were made for the encourage- 
ment of the palatine's transportation into the province of 
Carolina".^ What these proposals were is given in part by 
Luttrell, July 16, 1709. "The Lords proprietors of Carolina 
have made proposals to a committee of council to take all 
the Palatines here from 15 years to 45 years old, and send 
them to their plantations ; but her majestic to be at the charge 
of transporting them, which will be above lOi a head".^ 

While this was under consideration, the proprietors, ap- 
parently fully confident of the success of their plan, wished 
the persons immediately concerned to know about it, and on 
July 28, they "ordered, that the advertisement printed in 
the gazette for the palatines' transportation, be printed in 
High Dutch, for the use of the poor palatines and the rest 
of the Germans".^ 

Graffenried could hardly have been a member of the Swiss 
colonization Company at the time the proposals were made 
(April 28) or his name would have been given. He was then 
in London, and well known from his previous life in the court 
circles of Charles II. The Proprietors were, as ever, anxious 
to sell an extra 5000 acres of land; and if they could per- 
suade any of the company to buy with such an inducement 
as a title thrown in, they would gladly do so. It is not 
strange, then, that shortly after this Graffenried did become 
a member of the Company, for Michel who was interested with 
him in the mining project, was also interested in the Bern- 
Ritter colonization scheme; and a community of interests in 
one direction would naturally bring the two men together in 
any other scheme where one was involved. Thus, before any- 
thing definite about the Proprietors' proposals for settling 
the Germans on their land had been made by the committee, 
Graffenried paid 50i for 5000 acres (August 4, 1709) and 
was made a Landgrave.* Of the 5000 acres, 1250 had be- 
longed to Lawson, but what arrangements Lawson had with 

^ Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179. 

* Luttrell, vol. VI, page 465. 

* Hist Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179. 
*Col. Rec, Vol. 1, page 717, 

43 



the Proprietors is nowhere given. But the important thing 
is that from this time on Graffenried, who had not been men- 
tioned in the preceding proposals, is the most prominent 
member in the Company. 

The committee, having considered the proposals made on 
July 11, were still unable to make any decision; and on the 
11th of August the Proprietors gave a few more details of 
their plan. At that time they had decided to give the poor 
Palatines who should have a mind to settle in Carolina, wheth- 
er man, woman, or child, 100 acres of land each, free from quit- 
rent for ten years, after which they were to pay one penny 
per acre yearly; or if they should settle in towns, they were 
to have lands to build upon for three lives, or 99 years, with 
opportunity for renewal.^ 

These proposals from the Proprietors had not borne any 
fruit as yet, when arrangements were made between Graffen- 
ried, Michel, and the Proprietors to take the place of Michel's 
arrangement of April 28. On the 3 of September, 100,000 
acres were granted to Graffenried and his heirs, and it was 
agreed to sell Michel 3500 acres. ^ From the contract with 
the Georg Ritter Company we know, however, that the 10,000 
acres were for the society and Graffenried himself owned but 
5000 acres in his own private right. 

On the 22d of September 1709, a warrant was signed at 
Craven House for only 2500 acres to Michel,^ and this is the 
amount he is credited with in the contract. In the French 
version Graffenried claims to have paid for 15,000 acres on 
the Neuse and Trent Rivers and 2500 on the Weetock. The 
delays Michel's negotiations had suffered, and the statement 
in the contract that Ritter had advanced considerable sums,* 
along with Graffenried 's statement above, make it seem prob- 
able that Ritter advanced the money to Graffenried for all 
but Graffenried 's own 5000 acres, and that Graffenried act- 
ually payed it over to the Duke of Beaufort at Craven House. 

^ Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. 1, page 157. 
2 Col. Rec, vol. 1, page 718. 
» Col. Rec, vol. 1, page 718 ff. 
* German Version, Contract. 

44 



However this may be, he appears to have been responsible 
for the full 17,500 after the settlement was made. 

Later in the year the propositions of the Proprietors to 
take charge of the Palatines found a better reception, for on 
the 10th of October it was allowed to Graffenried and Michel 
to take 600 of them, making about 92 families. Eleven days 
later 50 more persons were added.^ Graffenried had the 
choosing of these and he picked out young, healthy, and indus- 
trious persons of various trades. The only lack, then, was a 
minister, and Graffenried was empowered by the Bishop of 
London to exercise the two important functions for a young 
colony, marriage and baptism.- The Queen promised 5£ 10 
shillings for each emigrant to pay for their passage and gave 
each 20 shillings worth of clothes as a present.^ 

The colonists were secured against fraud by a bond for 
5000i which Graffenried was required to give to the commis- 
sioners, for the faithful performance of his obligations.* But 
for some reason there was a long delay in sending the colony 
after the contract with the committee had been signed, and it 
was not till January, 1710, that they iSnally departed for 
America.^ 

Things were not moving any more rapidly for the Swiss 
portion of the settlers. The first company of these, number- 
ing about one hundred persons, left Bern March 8, 1710.* 
To them there were to have been added at some stage of the 
journey, the 56 convicts, men who had been in prison now 
two years because of their Anabaptist views. Passes through 
England had already been secured, but it was not until 
March 12 that the Swiss Ambassador to Holland, St. Saph- 
orin, was instructed to get the consent and assistance of the 
Dutch authorities in bringing the prisoners on their way.'^ 

* Col. Rec, vol. 1, 986. 
'German Version, French Version. 
•Col. Rec, vol. 1, page 986. 

* German Version, Report. 

' French Version, German Version. 
' German Version, Letters. 
^ Bernische Taeufer, page 259. 

45 



On March 18 the little band of convicts started by boat from 
Bern under Michel's care. The States General had not yet 
given their consent and showed no signs of doing so, as they 
had no sympathy with the Anabaptist persecutions, for in 
Holland people of this sect were welcomed on account of their 
industry and orderly lives. 

DiflBculties arose, however, to prevent the execution of the 
design. On the way down the Rhine just one half of the 
number became too sick to proceed further, and had to be 
left in the Palatinate. The most tactful diplomacy the Am- 
bassador could use failed to effect aid from the States Gen- 
eral, for by the laws of Holland these prisoners on reaching 
Dutch territory would thereby become free. And the Dutch 
authorities determined to see the law enforced. If these peo- 
ple of their free will wished to go to America, nothing would 
be laid in the way, but they could not be brought through 
Holland as prisoners. An attempt to have the English Am- 
bassador Townshend use his influence in favor of the depor- 
tation failed also, for he asserted the Queen wished to have 
only voluntary colonists in her provinces. 

Michel, who had this expedition in charge finally got his 
twenty-eight remaining prisoners as far as Nimwegen, a town 
a short distance across the border of Holland, and hoped to 
be able to send them the rest of the way to England. But the 
vigilance of the Dutch Anabaptists discovered the prison- 
ers; complaint was made; and they were immediately re- 
leased and allowed to go back to their friends in the Palat- 
inate, or wherever they would, in search of their families 
from whom they had been so long separated.^ From one of 
the letters in which the writer claims to have started from 
Bern March 18 ^ it would appear that one, at least, kept on to 
America. 

On May 18, 1710, while the Swiss were on the way, Graf- 
fenried and Michel signed the contract with Georg Ritter 
and Peter Isot, by which tliey became, legally, members of 
the Georg Ritter Company. The foundation of the enter- 

*Bernische Taufer, page 258 ff. 
* German Version, Letters. 

46 



prise was the 17,500 acres actually purchased and the twelve 
year's option on the 100,000 acres.^ They also had permis- 
sion to take up land above the falls of the Potomac, which 
would, however, be held of the Crown, subject to the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia. The amount actually paid for land was 
175£. Besides these land grants they had mining rights in 
Carolina, Virginia, jMaryland, and Pennsylvania. ^ Those 
in Carolina are defined as follows. 

"Agreed that Baron de Graff enried and Mr. Lewis Michel 
shall have a lease of all royal mines and minerals in the Prov- 
ince of Carolina that they shall discover and work for a term 
of 30 years, they being at the entire charge The produce of it 
to be divided into eight parts whereof four eights are to be 
paid to the Lords Proprietors the other four eights to the 
said Baron de Graffenried and Mr. Lewis Michel for the term 
of 5 years after any such Mines shall be found and opened. 
But after the aforesd term of five years then the Lords to 
have five eights, the said Baron de Graffenried and Mr. 
Lewis Michel three eights the Lords being to pay the Crown 
the fourth part according to the "Words of the Charter".* 
(Apparently this was to be the fourth part of the half which 
for the first five years should go to the two operators, or one 
eight of the whole.) 

In their contract with the Georg Ritter Company, how- 
ever, Michel, who had done all of the exploration and claimed 
to have found mines, was to have all the product for three 
years after the opening of the mines, except what belonged to 
the Proprietors. In the fourth year Hitter and Graffenried 
were to draw from the produce according to the amount they 
had subscribed, and the surplus, for the seventeen years the 
society was to continue, was to go to the members. And they 
were to pay Ritter for the capital he advanced out of the 
production of the first year of the mine in case it turned 
out well.* The contract between the Company and the other 

* German Version, Contract. 
*Grerman Version, Contract. 
»CoI. Rec, Vol. I, page 723. 
'German Version, Contract. 

47 



provinces is not given; in fact the claims of the Crown were 
not settled as far as Virginia was concerned, and a year or 
two later the uncertainty caused Spotswood considerable 
anxiety.^ 

The stock of the company consisted of 7200£ divided into 
twenty-four shares of 300i, no one person holding more than 
one share ; but it was not all paid in, for Michel was credited 
with a share to pay him for his discoveries which he claimed 
to have made and for the 2500 acres which he turned into the 
society. Graffenried had a share credited to him for his 5000 
acres and his labors with the Palatines ; and Georg Ritter had a 
share for expenses already incurred, leaving only 6,300£ to be 
paid in. Albrecht von Graffenried had paid in his share but 
when the contract was signed others had not contributed their 
amounts; and since they had until September 1711 to do 
so,^ it is impossible to tell how much Graffenried had on hand 
to support himself and his colonists. The report written 
months afterwards (in May, 1711) indicates a lack of 2400£ 
which should have been raised in some way. At that time he 
had spent 2228i, a part or all of which he had borrowed;' 
and the 2400£ would have paid this and left a little besides. 

The amount of help he might expect from the Proprietors 
is not definitely stated. But from the following resolution 
passed at Craven House September 3, 1709, at the time the 
10,000 acres were bought, it would appear that there was a 
possibility of Graffenried 's being disappointed, even if the 
promise had been kept, for "To the 2nd Proposal relating to 
the poor Palatines that shall be transported into North Car- 
olina, It was resolv'd that their Lordships will not under- 
take to provide them with all provisions they shall want but 
they will give directions to their Receiver General to supply 
the Palatines with such provisions as may be spared from the 
necessary use of the government at the same rates he re- 
ceived them the sd Christopr de Graffenried and Lewis 
Michel paying their Lordships for the same in Sterling money 

* Spotswood, vol. I, page 161. 

* German Version, Contract. 

* German Version. 



48 



■*i 






^. 






J 






>y' 



,/ 






I .';■:/ 



i y - 




, A 



-^■'^4 --^/-.v. .>C, 



^^1__1.£ 



-/ta'/l 



/^:, 



///^ /^k c>< "^^ y'Yf 



.,it^,\ 



m;>: 



Guaffenried's Map of His Colony 



in London at the end of two years after the arrival of the 
Palatines in North Carolina at £50 per cent discount".^ In 
a letter by Urmstone, quoted in part, later, it is stated that 
Graffenried was to expect ISOOi colonial money. This state- 
ment may be somewhat exaggerated as are other statements 
in the letter; but taken in connection with the fact that Gary, 
as we shall see, promised to give him 500£ on the proprietor's 
account, it shows conclusively that Graffenried had reason 
to expect substantial assistance from them. 

After a pleasant voyage Graffenried and his Switzers came 
in sight of land September 10th, and the 11th they came 
ashore.- The news which he then received of his first shiploads 
must have been a terrible disappointment, for despite the fact 
that he had had the Royal Commissioners inspect the ships to 
be sure that all was right and had sent the emigrants under the 
care of Surveyor General Lawson, Receiver General Gale, and 
another official going to Carolina, over half of them had died 
on the voyage because of the overcrowding of the ships and 
the salt food which did not agree with them. 

Chapter VI. 

Discussion of the transportation facilities provided for the 
Palatines hy the commissioners — The Colonists plundered 
by a French privateer — Graffenried and his colony arrive 
September 10; they learn of the distress of the first ship- 
loads — Graffenried and his Su'iss start for North Car- 
olina as S0071 as possible after landing. 
It was certainly not to the credit of the commissioners 
that these people endured such hardships. Graffenried had 
them make a particular inspection before the ships started to 
be sure all was right, for his own experience in shipping was 
limited; but since the same crowding of the passengers, the 
same bad food, and the same appalling mortality prevailed on 
the ships which were carrying the Palatines to New York, 
the only conclusion is that the commissioners were either 
shamefully careless of the lives of these people, or totally un- 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 718. 

'' German Version, Letters ; French Version. 

49 



fitted by their ignorance to have charge of the transportation 
of so many. When the proprietors first asked to have some of 
the Palatines sent to their colonies at the government's ex- 
pense, Luttrell ^ estimated that it would require over 10£ for 
each person. In the case of Graff enried's colonists this figure 
was cut down to 5£ 10 shillings by the commissioners. Graf- 
fenried himself, later, estimated that 100 persons could be 
carried on a ship of 120 tons burden from Holland to Amer- 
ica for 700i or 7i per person. Boehme ^ in 1711 estimated 
the cost of transportation from England to America as 
7£ for adults and half of that for children. 

The committee fixed on the lowest amount possible and 
paid the ship captains in advance for each passenger. The 
following passage written at the time of the emigration to 
New York shows how wretched the management really was, 
though, of course, the ship captains must bear their share 
in this disgrace. 

„Tlan ^at gtror ben ^Q^itonen, bie bte lleberfiifirung baf)xn 
iibernol^men, ouf ben ^o^f einen gert)iffen 33etrag bergiitet, aber 
Bet ber grofeen TleriQe mufeten bie Seute bermoffen einge^fercf)t 
h)erben, ba% biele bobon, nod^ ei)^ bie engltfd)e Mfte aufeer ®icf)t 
fom, fef)r unter ©eftanf unb Itngestefer gelitten l^oben, gang ab' 
gefefien bobon, bofe bie gu unterft Siegenben iDeber frtfrf)e Suft 
fd^o^fen fonnten, nod) haS^ 5£Qge§Iid)t fa^en. 9^amentlid] jinb 
itnter biefen Hmftanben bie ^inber gol^Ireid^ bal^ingeftorben, boIt= 
enb§ bet) ftiirmtfd^er ^ee. ^a bon met)vexen gomilien blieb uTe= 
manb iibrig, ireber S^inber, nod^ bie eitern jelbft. ^n 93riefen 
bon ^ortSmoutf), tvo bie einfd^iffung ftatt fanb, ift int %pxil 
1710 I)ierf)er nadj Sonbon mttgeteilt h)orben, ba'^ auf etnem ein= 
gtgen ber ®d)iffe nod£) bor ber 51bfaf)rt ad)t3tg ber SluSbpanberer ge= 
ftorben finb. ^nnbert anbere logen nod) fran! barin unb fc^ie= 
nen hen (Seftorbenen nac^folgen gu tooHen. Sie llrfad)e ber 
@terblid)feit n^are teil§ in ber engen etn:pferd^ung, teil§ barin 
3u fuc^en, ha^ ber @d)iff§f)err bie 2)?enfd^en ntd^t mit guter unb ge- 
funber S^al^rung berfel^e. Stber eben ber Xob ber 5(u§tDanberer be= 

^ Luttrell, vol. VI, page 465. 

* Pennsylvaniaen im 17. Jahrhundert, page 67. 

50 



beute ©ctDtnn fiir hie ®(i)tffg^errn, ha er bann Quf ber ^al^rt 
treniger Seute ju berfoftigen hvaudje"} 

Sickness and death was not all the Palatines had to endure ; 
for just at the mouth of the James River in full view of shore 
and of an English warship, they were overhauled by a French 
privateer and one of the ships plundered. The people on board 
were deprived of even their clothes, and when they came 
ashore several more died from eating fruit and drinking water. 
Those who had finally recovered and were left alive had now 
been in their new home in Carolina several months, when Graf- 
fenried and the Switzers landed on September 10. 

He was doubtlessly informed immediately of the disasters 
which had attended his first shiploads of colonists on their voy- 
age and after landing ; and their urgent letters were not need- 
ed to make him see that his presence was required in Carolina 
at once. As a Landgrave and head of an important colony, he 
had some obligations to the Governor of Virginia, and there- 
fore could not go immediately into Carolina, but had first to 
call and pay his respects to the head of the colony. As Spots- 
wood himself was not at home, he called upon the Lieutenant 
Governor, and also met Edward Hyde, who had been sent by 
the proprietors to be governor of North Carolina ; and through 
them he was made acquainted with the political situation in 
Carolina. He made his visit as short as he decently could and 
before long he and his people set out over land for the Chowan 
River, where they expected to find boats to take them to their 
tract on the Neuse and Trent. 

Leaving them at this point for a time we must now recall 
some of the events of the years preceding, in order better to 
appreciate what Graffenried encountered on his arrival in 
America. 

* Pennsylvanien im 17. Jahrhundert, page 66 ff. The author is here 
quoting a German writer, Hoen, but with orthographic changes and mod- 
ern expressions where the original is not easily understood. 



51 



Chapter VII. 

The earliest settlement — Early government — Development of 
Self-government — Imposition of Locke's Fundamentals — 
Confusion resulting from attempts to enforce certain provi- 

■ sions and navigation laws — Trouble growing out of test 
oaths — Gary in open opposition to Edward Hyde, the Pro- 
prietor's appointee — Graffenried met by a delegation and 
offered the presidency of the council — He refuses a tempt- 
ing offer for the sake of his colony. 

The first immigrants into the Carolinas were wealthy 
Virginians who were attracted by the opportunity to better 
their condition, and not religious refugees as has generally 
been supposed. They purchased land of the Indians and set- 
tled themselves about Albemarle Sound as early as 1659/ 
without asking permission of anyone. In 1662 Governor 
Berkeley of Virginia gave them patents and required of them 
the quit rents usual in Virginia, that is one farthing per acre. 
They did not form compact towns, but each planter had his 
own wharf to which trading vessels came. No very serious 
Indian troubles drove them to continuously concerted action; 
and as they had no ministers for a long time, although many 
of them doubtless belonged to the established church, there 
grew up a reckless sort of independence which was strength- 
ened by arrival of new colonists from the attempted settle- 
ments of New Englanders at Cape Fear, which had failed, 
partly because the colonists had stubbornly resisted the pur- 
pose of the proprietors to appoint governors over them rather 
than let them elect their own. 

These proprietors were eight favorites of Charles II whom 
he wished to reward for their assistance in helping him to his 
throne after the downfall of the Protectorate. They were 
given almost absolute power, holding all the rights which the 
Bishop of Durham held. Besides they had the power to 
create an order of nobility among the inhabitants of their 
domains, but the titles were not to be the same as those used 

* Johns Hopkins Historical Studies, May-June, 1892; Ashe, vol. I, 
p. 59. 

52 



in English and the laws they should make were not to be op- 
posed to those of England. The grant took in a strip from 
ocean to ocean between 31° and 36° north latitude, the same 
grant which Charles I had made to Robert Heath in 1629. 

Later, in 1665, the grant made to Robert Heath was 
formally set aside and the proprietors were given an increase, 
the new grant extending from 29° to 36° 30', north latitude. 
They were allowed also discretionary powers with regard to 
freedom of conscience, and could grant religious liberty and 
toleration as they chose. 

Another provision of the charter is so important in the 
later history that I shall quote verbatim so much of it as 
applies. "And also to ordain, make and enact, and under 
their seals, to publish any laws and constitutions whatsoever, 
either appertaining to the publick state of the said whole 
province or territory, or of any district or particular county, 
barony or colony, of or within the same, or to the private 
utility of particular persons, according to their best discre- 
tion, by and with the advice, assent and approbation of the 
freemen of the said province or territory, or of the freemen 
of the county, barony or colony, for which such laws or con- 
stitution shall be made, or the greater part of them, or their 
delegates or deputies, whom for enacting of the said laws, 
when, and as often as need shall require, we will that the 
said Edward Earle of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle, 
William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord 
Ashley, Sir George Cartaret, Sir John Colleton, and Sir Wil- 
liam Berkeley, and their heirs or assigns, shall from time to 
time assemble in such manner and forms as to them shall 
seem best ; etc. " ^ A saving clause permitted laws to be 
passed on an emergency, which had not received the sanc- 
tion of the people. 

In 1664 a man named Drummond was sent out with six 
councilors to be governor of the province. With them was 
sent the Concessions, under which all this territory of Car- 
olina was to be governed. By this document the freemen 
were either to meet in one body or to elect twelve represent- 

* Carroll's Collections, vol. II, page 43 ff . The italics are mine, 
V. H. T. 

53 



atives to act with the six councilors. The first assembly 
which met not later than 1665 was composed of all the free- 
men, and was in this respect a democratic body. Full liberty 
of conscience was established with this exception that the 
General Assembly might appoint as many ministers as it 
pleased, thus giving a preference to the church of England. 
Officers were either to swear allegiance to or sign a declaration 
in a book, and no tax was to be levied without the consent of the 
Assembly. The Assembly might choose a president in place of 
an absent governor or deputy governor. Quit rents were made 
a half penny per acre. Until 1667 the governor, six councilors, 
and twelve deputies (for the meeting of all the freemen was 
not continued) sat in one body. In the general meeting of 
1665 a petition had been sent to the proprietors that the quit 
rent be reduced to the rate which prevailed in Virginia of one 
farthing per acre payable in commodities. In 1668 this was 
granted in an instrument called ever since the "Great Deed", 
and any encroachments upon its provisions by the proprietors 
were bitterly resented. 

After these years of self-government there came an un- 
welcome change, which in Carolina marks the beginning of 
that unrest which finally ended with the Revolution, for never 
after this was there any extended period of satisfaction with 
the government from England, whether administered by the 
proprietors or the royal governors. One of the proprietors, 
the Earl of Shaftsbury, had his friend, the philosopher John 
Locke, draw up a system of government for the colony; and 
in 1669, what was considered the most perfect system ever 
devised was sent out to be tried on the few scattered settlers 
in this vast woods. No stretch of the imagination can make 
this seem like emergency legislation, and there is not the 
slightest ground for thinking the proprietors considered it as 
such; the freemen never unqualifiedly sanctioned it; and 
therefore, by the provision of the charter above quoted, this 
Grand Model of government was not legally binding upon the 
people. The resistance, however, was not entirely consistent. 
For example, they objected to the requirement of an oath 
to support the constitution, and in this degree, they may be 

54 



said to have objected to the whole plan ; but nevertheless they 
accepted the provision for regularly holding elections of 
their representatives, and for having meetings every two years 
whether the governor called one or not. There is no evidence 
that they were opposed to the theoretical founding of high 
sounding courts, or an actual establishing of a hereditary no- 
bility. Their great complaint was against a raise of the quit 
rents from a farthing to a penny per acre, payable in silver. 

Further trouble was caused by attempts to enforce the 
navigation laws. In 1673 Cataret, tired of trying to enforce 
the enactments, resigned the governorship, and from that 
time till 1707 there were six open revolts leading to the de- 
position or suspension of governors and collectors. The peo- 
ple had never been trained in the obedience presupposed in 
the constitutions, and resisted every attempt to invade their 
previous liberties. 

To these economic and political disturbances were added 
religious difficulties. The proprietors had allowed people of 
dissenting opinions to settle in their dominions and practice 
their religious worship as they wished, as long as they re- 
frained from disturbing others. But the idea, nevertheless, 
had always been to establish the church of England in the 
colonies in Carolina. The first missionaries sent out by the 
society for the Propagation of the Gospel were unfortunate 
choices. They antagonized many of their own faith as well 
as the dissenters, for the very idea of having a church sup- 
ported by the state was repugnant to many of them. After 
the visit of Edmundson and Fox in 1672 the Quakers, too, 
had become rather numerous; and, of course, they objected 
to being compelled to pay for the support of other ministers 
than their own, and in particular to the support of the Church 
of England ministers. 

In 1697, by act of Parliament, oaths of office were re- 
quired of the governors of colonies; and in 1701, Governor 
"Walker had the assembly pass an act to establish parishes 
and churches and maintain ministers. The Quakers, Pres- 
byterians, and some of the members of the Established Church 
objected very strongly to this. But the trouble calmed down 

55 



without being finally settled when the bill was vetoed by the 
proprietors because they considered it inadequate. In 1704 
Daniel became governor, and he required the oath of alle- 
giance to Queen Anne, in accordance with an act of Parlia- 
ment, and denied the right of any to sign a declaration in a 
book in lieu of the oath, a privilege which had been expressly 
granted in the instructions of 1670.^ The governor was tech- 
nically in the right in his demand, for such oaths were re- 
quired very strictly in England at this time and for years 
afterwards; but the laws had always been dead letters in 
Carolina, and might just as well have been treated as such 
at this time if Governor Daniel had desired to have it so. 
The measure seems to have been aimed at the Quakers, since 
this effectually excluded them from the Assembly, weakened 
the opposition to the strict Church party to this degree and 
allowed the establishing of the Church of England by law, 
as Lord Cranville, the most influential of the proprietors, 
desired. This was so distasteful to the Presbyterians and 
other dissenters who might ordinarily be expected to favor 
the exclusion of the Quakers, that they united with them and 
secured Daniel's removal by order of the proprietors. This 
compliance of the proprietors shows that there was no need 
of applying the act of Parliament regarding oaths very rigid- 
ly in the colonies. 

Thomas Cary who before this had been a merchant in 
South Carolina, was next appointed. He shared the general 
feeling against the Quakers, and not only had them excluded 
by this same test oath, but also imposed a fine upon those 
who should enter upon an office without first taking the oath. 
He also secured the passage of another law by which the 
election of any one who promoted his own candidacy was de- 
clared void. By the application of this measure he could keep 
out any one he chose, by merely having it shown that the 
person in question had in some way promoted his own inter- 
ests in the election. These enactments gave him control over 
Presbyterians as well as Quakers, but the measures were too 
thorough, and Mr. John Porter was sent to England to peti- 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 181. 

56 



tion the proprietors for relief ; and in 1707 he returned bring- 
ing an instrument by which the laws regarding oaths were 
suspended and Gary removed from the government. At the 
time of his arrival, however, Gary was absent, and William 
Glover, President of the Gouneil was acting in his place. He, 
therefore, did not at once enforce his new instrument, but 
left Glover in power, and held in abeyance the action against 
Gary. Yet, since Glover was still keeping the Quakers out 
by the test oaths, discontent grew until Gary, Porter, Pol- 
lock and Foster, heads of various factions, in 1708 unitedly 
issued a proclamation to the people to obey the existing gov- 
ernment. But the coming of two Ghurch of England mission- 
aries, Adams and Gordon, at this time was the signal for an- 
other outbreak on the part of the different dissenting bodies, 
who saw in the actions of the government a menace to their 
religious liberty, and an attempt to saddle the established 
church on the colony. 

Porter next broke with Glover, and Gary was elected. 
Since Lord Granville was now dead, there was no need for 
Gary to still hold high church views; and while there is no 
record of such an agreement, it appears that Gary promised 
to give up the requirement of the test oaths and other re- 
strictions. And it was probably for this reason that he was 
chosen president of the council. Glover also claimed to be 
president since his incumbency had not been disturbed by 
Porter's instructions from the proprietors, while they had 
said specifically that Gary should be removed. Glover cer- 
tainly had some right on his side as well as did Gary, for by 
the Gonstitution and by precedent the president of the coun- 
cil was to be governor in the absence of a governor or his 
deputy, approved by the proprietors. Thus we find two 
Governors, and the country in turmoil. The principals agreed 
to leave the decision to an assembly, and each issued writs 
for an election. Gary had the majority of votes if the Quak- 
ers were admitted. Glover, however, insisted upon the exclu- 
sion of the Quakers, but without avail, and he with Pollock 
and Gale, went over into Virginia, leaving Gary in charge. 
But still a large faction, composed of those who had been 

57 



trained in public affairs during the time that the others had 
been kept out by the exclusion laws, was dissatisfied, and the 
government was not very efficient. 

In 1708 Tynte had been appointed governor of South Car- 
olina with instructions to deputize Edward Hyde over the 
northern colony, and until Hyde should come Tynte left 
Gary in charge. Unfortunately for affairs in North Carolina 
Tynte died during the summer of 1710 without having signed 
Hyde's commission, and since under the circumstances Hyde 
did not care to come into the colony, he was still in Virginia 
when Graffenried landed with his Switzers in September, 
1710, and after a short delay started for Carolina. 

At Somerton a delegation of Quakers and other persons 
met him, and desired him by virtue of his title of Landgrave 
to take the presidency of the council, which in the absence of 
the governor, as had been noticed, carried with it the exe- 
cutive function. If Graffenried had been ambitious for him- 
self he might well have been tempted by the offer. He was 
the friend of Hyde, whose appointment lacked only a sig- 
nature to make it valid, and as such might have felt sure of 
the support of Hyde's adherents and many of Gary's dis- 
senters. Moreover, since Glover's departure for Virginia, 
his followers were looking forward to Hyde's coming, and 
these men, too, would probably have supported him. His 
favor with the Queen and the proprietors, which must have 
been well known in the colony, since he had been made Land- 
grave and his Palatines had been provided for over a year 
before, might have led him to hope that a good number from 
the contending parties could be brought to recognize him as 
their executive officer, for Hyde had no patents and was in 
addition afraid to trust himself in the province. If Graffen- 
ried had been acquainted with the previous history of the 
Colony at all, he would have known that there was not much 
to fear from the proprietors, so long as he could keep the 
factions united. Their weakness in dealing with their colo- 
nies was well recognized,^ and just as in the case of Gary, 
they could be expected to leave the matter in statu quo as 

^ Col. Rec, vol. I, page 725. 

58 



long as no complaint was made to them. That the factions 
were tiring of the struggle is shown by the fact that after 
Graffenried refused to be led astray by such brilliant pros- 
pects, they united in an address to Hyde to take the presi- 
dency until his commission should arrive. Gary himself 
was one of the signers/ persuaded, to be sure, by Graffenried.^ 
For Graffenried, although his refusal was not acceptable to 
the delegation, had resolved to devote his time and energies 
to his settlement, and to avoid the difficulties of politics. 

Chapter VIII, 

Graff enried's precarious position — The Palatines' pitiful con- 
dition — Graffenried defrauded — No kelp to be obtained 
from the Proprietors — Makes peace with the Indians — 
Lawson's humane sentiments not borne out in his treat- 
ment of the hidians — Michel disturbs the proceedings — 
Graffenried compelled by circumstances as well as incli- 
nations to join Hyde's faction. 

Graff enried 's position was now a peculiar one. On the 
one hand, he had, immediately on his arrival, become one of 
the most influential men in the province. His title of Land- 
grave, the fame of his undertaking, and his friendship with 
eminent persons in England made him very much respected 
and yet of the actual necessaries of life he had almost noth- 
ing with which to support his dignity. When he reached the 
settlement he found conditions worse than he expected. Law- 
son had not sold all the land on the point between the Neuse 
and the Trent Rivers to Graffenried, and in order to further 
his own interests, he had settled those under his charge on 
his own land to gain the benefit of any clearing they might do. 
Thus when Graffenried came, the Palatines found their sum- 
mer's work had gone for nothing. The directors had also ex- 
ploited them by taking their goods in return for their ser- 
vices in looking after them on the way over, and what was 
left after this had gone to the English settlers in return for 
food to keep them alive. Moreover, the place where Lawson 

*CoI. Rec, vol. I, page 727. 
* German Version. 



59 



had settled them was on a southern exposure where the heat 
was very oppressive, and as a result, sickness was added to 
starvation. To make matters worse, instead of finding the 
land free of Indians as Graffenried supposed it to be, he dis- 
covered that King Taylor with a small tribe of twenty fam- 
ilies was still living there, and that they were none too 
well pleased to have their lands taken up in this way, for 
they had never as yet been paid for the tract. If in this sit- 
uation the Germans did not supply their wants by hunting, 
supposing they had the strength and equipment, one cannot 
blame them. As for living on fish, oysters, and crabs, such 
a diet in the heat of summer after they had been weakened 
by their illness on the long voyage across the Atlantic and 
after landing in Virginia would be almost impossible. 

But Graffenried 's coming changed all this, for he brought 
supplies for their present needs, and began immediately to 
see what could be done on the account of the Lords Proprie- 
tors with the province. His treatment of the Indians on this 
and later occasions is more a credit to his heart than to his 
business sagacity perhaps, if one may judge his actions by 
the standard set by most of the whites who have had deal- 
ings with the Indians. The result justified him in his pecu- 
liar notions, however, when it came to be a life and death mat- 
ter with him. He had previously paid for the particular 
piece of ground where the settlement was then being made, 
supposing that the original owners had been satisfied for it 
and had moved off leaving it perfectly free for white settlers. 
Likewise it was scarcely to be expected that Lawson would 
work a fraud on him and an injustice to the Indians after 
such generous expressions as the following, chosen from sev- 
eral such to be found in his book. 

"These are them that wear the English Dress. Whether 
they have Cattle now or no, I am not certain; but I am of 
the Opinion that such Inclinations in the Savages should 
meet with Encouragement, and every Englishman ought to 
do them Justice and not defraud them of their Land, which 
has been allotted them formerly by the Government; for if 
we do not show them Examples of Justices and Virtue, we 

60 



can never bring them to believe us to be a worthier Race of 
Men than themselves". 

"They are really better to us than we are to them; they 
always give us Victuals at their Quarters, and take Care we 
are armed against Hunger and Thirst; we do not so by them 
(generally speaking) but let them walk by our Doors hun- 
gry, and do not often relieve them. We look upon them with 
Scorn and Disdain and think them little better than Beasts 
in human Shape, though if well examined, we shall find that 
for all our Religion and Education we possess more moral 
Deformities and Evils than these Savages do, or are ac- 
quainted withal".^ 

It appears, though, that an opportunity to enrich himself 
overcame his scruples and he did as others had done be- 
fore him, disposed of land which by rights was not yet his 
to dispose of. When Graffenried came and found the savages 
still claimed the land, rightfully as he looked at it, Lawson's 
advice to chase them off did not appeal to him, although it 
would have been possible, perhaps, to do so. Rather, he paid 
them for the tract and established friendly relations with 
them. Then finding that his people and the Indians were 
not likely to live together harmoniously, he had a very sol- 
emn powwow with the red-men, paid them again for the land 
where the first settlement had been made, probably bought 
what other land he needed to parcel out to his settlers and 
made the Indians satisfied to move out of the neighborhood 
of his people. His influence over the Indians and their con- 
fidence in him comes out indirectly in this conference. The 
Indians, seventeen heads of families and their chief, took 
their places in a circle on the ground, dressed in their finery, 
the chief looking to Graffenried more like an ape than a man. 
Graffenried sat on a chair and also wore whatever ornaments 
he had that would glitter most. He could not help but be 
convinced that their arguments for staying were better than 
any he could present to induce them to leave, but yet they 
finally agreed to go. Michel, his business partner, was not 
far away during the conference, making himself drunk with 

* Lawson's Journal, page 192 ff. 

61 



some English friends. In this condition he suddenly broke 
in on the assembly, snatched off the king's head dress and 
threw it as far as he could, then seizing the orator beat him 
and dragged him out of the circle. Graffenried had diffi- 
culty in restoring order and peace; finally, however, Michel 
was taken away and put in charge of his friends, and the 
negotiations went on to a happy termination for Graffen- 
ried. That night, Michel, still under the influence of liquor, 
broke into the Indian camp while Graffenried was asleep, 
and again beat and insulted the orator; and again Graffen- 
ried had to be peacemaker.^ The fact that he succeeded at 
all is sufficient evidence of the regard in which he was held 
by the savages. 

The need of separating the Indians from the settlers is 
illustrated by the story he tells of one of his workmen. This 
man, a Berner, coming home from wood chopping happened 
to pass by an idol representing the evil divinity. This image 
was painted red and black, the colors of the wood chopper's 
native city. He could not endure seeing these colors mis- 
used in such a manner, and destroyed the ugly representa- 
tion of the Devil with his ax. On reaching home he boasted 
that he had split the Devil with one blow.^ The Indians 
were horrified at such a sacrilege and peace was with diffi- 
<!ulty restored. Nevertheless they were finally persuaded to 
forego hostilities when Graffenried promised to see that no 
further injury was done them. Partly for their sake he sent 
Michel on surveying expeditions, and into Pennsylvania to 
look for silver.^ The settlers, too, could not appreciate the 
Indians' point of view although they speak kindly of them 
in their letters, wherever they mention them at all, and, so, 
it was better to keep them apart.* 

Having reached the province and provided for the iimne- 
diate needs of his people, Graffenried now felt his next duty 
to be the securing of the continuation of supplies. As a 

* French Version. 

* French and German Versions. 

* French Version, 

* German Version, Letters. 

62 



Landgrave he would be compelled to take sides in the political 
quarrel in the colony, and the question was with whom should 
he cast in his fortune. He and his colony were dependent 
upon the favor of the Proprietors for their very existence, 
and he could not hope for their favor while supporting one 
who was defying their authority. Yet the principles for 
which the dissenting faction had contended in the beginning 
before Gary took sides with them — freedom from the domi- 
nation of the Church of England — must have appealed to 
him, even though he and his colonists were under the spir- 
itual protection of the Bishop of London and had become 
members of that church.^ Moreover, among 650 Palatines 
there must have been a goodly number of Anabaptists, and 
some of the letters of his settlers which he copied for the Ger- 
man version seem to have been written by people of this sect. 
One of their fundamental tenets was freedom of conscience, 
and both in framing the contract for the society and in the 
agreement with the settlers, Graffenried and the Company 
did not depend upon the charter of Carolina nor the Funda- 
mental Constitutions alone, but made special provision for 
religious liberty. The distractions produced in the province 
in the efforts to secure it, however, could not have impressed 
the colonists favorably, and as a matter of self-defence Graf- 
fenried had to espouse Hyde's cause. And yet Hyde was 
not technically governor, lacking Tynte's signature, and was 
afraid to come into the province. 

The very numbers of people Graffenried brought with 
him was a disadvantage, because whichever side he joined, he 
would be sure to gain the ill-will of the opposition. But as 
Cary, who had been deposed once, was governing a second 
time with a legality which was questioned by the first people 
with whom Graffenried had become acquainted,^ and as it 
was the will of the Lords Proprietors that Hyde should be 
■governor, he did not hesitate to declare himself against Cary. 
And again the situation was complicated, for Cary had in his 
possession all the funds of the province, and it was neces- 

*CoI. Rec, vol. I, pp. 756, 734. French Version. 
*Col. Rec, vol. I, page 731. 

63 



sary for Graffenried to look to him for what the Proprietors 
had promised on their account with the province. When the 
demand was made of him, he promised well, but kept evad- 
ing fulfillment until Graffenried lost hope at last and sent 
to Virginia where he had made arrangements for flour, be- 
fore leaving England. Only thus were the people enabled 
to proceed with the building of their town. 

Chapter IX. 

Founding of the city — Leet Court System — Articles in the 
Fundamentals relating to Leet Courts — Discussion of 
Baronies and Ma7iors, showing irregularities in appoint- 
ments — Articles in Fundamentals referring to Baronies, 
Manors, etc. — Ideal once given up revived in modified 
form for Graff enried's colony — Reasons for this — Con- 
tracts with Proprietors and Colonists — Evidences from 
Manuscripts of a paternal government and of popular as- 
semblies. 

The little city was placed on a point of land between the 
Neuse Kiver and the Trent, and was laid out in the form 
of a cross, one arm extending from river to river, and the 
other, from the point, back indefinitely. At a reasonable dis- 
tance Graffenried built a line of fortification from one river 
to the other and had his coast line well defended also. 
These fortifications were doubtless frail enough, but would 
have been of service in case of an Indian attack if all the 
people were inside and acted in concert. He planned to 
have a church at the four corners. Market was to be held 
once a week, and a fair yearly. His best contribution was 
his water mill for grinding grain. There was only one other 
mill in the whole province and it was a poor one, and the only 
way the people had of getting flour or meal was to beat their 
grain in a wooden mortar with a wooden pestle and sift it 
through a basket, When the little town was completed, a 
solemn assembly gave it the name of New Bern. It had such 
a favorable beginning that people in Virginia and Pennsyl- 
vania bought lots there, and Graffenried could say that his 
town made more progress in a year than some other ,totv'ils 

64 



f.. 4: 



k... 



-J 



GRAFFEJiTRIED's Pl.AN OF THE ToWX OF NeW BeRN 



had made in several.^ A plan to live at one common expense, 
but in separate households was formulated, but was given 
up as impracticable.^ 

The form of government at New Bern is nowhere de- 
finitely given, yet we can get some general idea of it from 
a few references in the writings Graffenried left. One is 
tempted to see in it the attempt to introduce the leet court 
system of the Fundamental Constitutions, though in a modi- 
fied form, despite the fact that the revised Fundamentals of 
1698 ^ had omitted the provision relating to such courts. If 
this is the case, we have the only such attempt so far as I am 
able to discover, to put the system into practice in the province. 
The omission of many of the articles in the revised Consti- 
tution need not imply a change of conviction on the part of 
the proprietors, but only a concession to the conditions in 
America. In Graffenried 's case, also, such a system, would, 
perhaps, seem more practicable and thus the old idea would, 
naturally, be revived. 

The following articles of the Fundamentals refer to this 
sort of serfdom, and show the ideals which the proprietors 
had. 

"16th. In every signiory, barony, and manor, the re- 
spective Lord shall have power in his own name to hold court 
leet there, for trying of all causes, both civil and criminal, 
but where it shall concern any person being no inhabitant, 
vassal, or leet man, of the said signiory, barony or manor, 
he upon paying down of forty shillings, for the Lords Pro- 
prietors' use, shall have an appeal from the signiory, or 
barony court, to the county court, and from the manor court 
to the precinct court. 

"19th. Any Lord of a manor, may alienate, sell, or dis- 
pose to any other person and his heirs forever, his manor 
all intirely together, with all the privileges and leet men, there- 
unto belonging so far forth as any colony lands ; but no grant 
of any part thereof, either in fee or for any longer term than 

* German Version ; French Version. 

* German Version, Report. 
'Ashe, page 147. 

65 



three lives, or for one and twenty years, shall be good against 
the next heir. 

'*22d. In every signiory, barony and manor, all the leet 
men shall be under the jurisdiction of the respective Lords 
of the said signiory, barony or manor, without appeal from 
him. Nor shall any leet man, or leet woman have liberty to 
go off from the land of their particular Lord and live any- 
where else without license obtained from their said Lord, 
under hand and seal. 

"23d. All the children of leet men shall be leet men, 
and so to all generations. 

"24th. No man shall be capable of having a court leet, 
or leet men, but a Proprietor, Landgrave, Casique, or Lord 
of a manor. 

"25th. Whoever shall voluntarily enter himself a leet 
man, in the registry of the county court, shall be a leet man. 

"26th. Whoever is Lord of leet men, shall upon the 
marriage of a leet man, or leet woman of his, give them ten 
acres of land for their lives, they paying to him, therefore, not 
more than one eighth part of all the yearly produce and 
growth of the said ten acres''.^ 

In the application of their "unalterable Constitutions" 
relative to the German colony, as in other matters, the pro- 
prietors allowed themselves a considerable latitude, and so 
we find several variations from their ideals expressed in the 
articles quoted above. In the first place, the appointment of 
landgraves had always been irregular. According to their 
charter they could confer their titles ' ' upon such of the inhab- 
itants of the said province as they shall think do or shall 
merit the same'V and yet of twenty-five appointees eleven 
never lived in America and several of those who did live in 
America were appointed before they ever came to this 
country.^ Locke was the first to receive the title, and in his 
case it appears to have been merely honorary, and if the four 
baronies of 12000 acres each were ever assigned to him there 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 187 ff. 
^ Col. Rec, vol. I, page 29. 

* McCrady, page 717. 

66 



is no record of it left. Nevertheless it was intended at first 
to have the title always associated with land and in the 
amounts prescribed in the articles, as an act passed by the 
Assembly of Albemarle and approved by the proprietors in 
1669 shows. By this act it was decreed that 'noe person or 
persons whatsoever he be within this County under the de- 
gree of a Proprietor, Landgrave or Cassique shall have Liber- 
ty for the space of five yeares next ensueing to survey or 
ley out above six hundred and sixty acres of Land in one 
dividend that soe the County may be the speedier seated, 
without express leave obtained from the Lords Proprietors. 

"And it is hereby further enacted that there shall not bee 
granted in any warrant any quantity of Land but what is 
allowed according to the Quality of the right and is exprest 
in the Proprietors Instructions, concessions or Fundamental 
Constitutions or forme of Government".^ 

This intention of the part of the assembly was not always 
carried out for it was ordered by the Proprietors near the 
beginning of this new form of government that the Proprie- 
tors should have but three signiories, and each Landgrave 
and Casique but one barony.- Nevertheless, John Price,^ 
another of those who never lived in America, was made a 
Landgrave in 1687 and "four baronies of 12000 acres" were 
annexed to the title. In 1698 a new plan was hit upon,* 
and instead of conferring the title and the domains which be- 
longed to it as a mark of the high regard in which the person 
was held by the Proprietors, blanks were sent out for six 
Landgraves and eight Caciques. These were to be sold to 
whomsoever would buy, provided they were considered 
worthy by Major Robert Daniel and Landgrave Morton, who 
had the disposal of them. The sale was not very rapid, for 
only two purchased. One of these. Captain Edmund Bellin- 
ger was in England at the time of the purchase but paid in 
America and John Bayly took another but paid in Ireland. 

* Col. Rec, vol, I, page 186. 
^ McCrady, page 141. 

* McCrady, page 719. 

* McCrady, page 292. 

67 



After this another change was allowed, for in 1709 Abel Ketel- 
by, who also became a non-resident landgrave, purchased 
5000 acres.^ And after this fashion the title had lost in dig- 
nity until it was offered for sale with few takers, while the land 
which went with it was reduced from a vast tract to a moder- 
ate sized manor, the lords of which strips were originally in- 
tended to be of the lowest order of nobility. 

Graff enried's appointment was no exception to the others 
in irregularities. He was a foreigner, but probably natural- 
ized,^ for he was in England when the naturalization laws 
were made and in his Memorial he advises it. He was re- 
quired to buy and actually did buy but 5000 acres to secure 
the title, and the 10,000 additional which he purchased for 
the company and Michel's 2500 acres over which he appears 
to have had the disposal for the company had nothing to do 
with the bestowal of the highest dignity in the power of the 
Proprietors. 

Fortunately the Carolinians seem not to have been dis- 
turbed by all these irregularities in his appointment and the 
dignity of a title was of advantage to him as it helped him 
to keep the respect of his own settlers and the other colonists. 

The following articles relate to the order of nobility which 
was to be established. 

"4th. Each signory, barony, and colony, shall consist of 
twelve thousand acres, the eight signories being the share 
of the eight proprietors, and the eight baronies of the nobility ; 
both which shares, being each of them one fifth of the whole, 
are to be perpetually annexed, the one to the proprietors and 
the other to the hereditary nobility; leaving the colonies, be- 
ing three fifths, amongst the people; so that in setting out 
and planting the lands, the balance of the government may be 
preserved. 

**9th. There shall be just as many Landgraves as there 
are counties, and twice as many Casiques, and no more. These 
shall be the hereditary nobility of the Province, and by right 
of their dignity be members of parliament. Each Landgrave 

' Col. Rec, vol. I, page 705. 
* German Version, Memorial. 

68 



shall have four baronies, and each Casique two baronies, hered- 
itarily and unalterably annexed to and settled upon the said 
dignity. 

"17th. Every manor shall consist of not less than three 
thousand, and not above twelve thousand acres in one piece 
and colony; but any three thousand acres or more in one 
piece and the possession of one man, shall not be a manor, un- 
less it be constituted a manor by the grant of the palatine's 
court. 

"21st. Every Lord of a manor, within his own manor, 
shall have all the powers, jurisdictions and privileges which 
a Landgrave or Casique hath in his baronies.^ 

In the provisions for a continuance of the propriety gov- 
ernment with its almost regal powers in the hands of a hered- 
itary and self perpetuating body of eight persons, and a 
limited proportion of landgraves and casiques, with lords of 
manors below them, and last of all leet men — four classes 
likewise hereditary — the proprietors attempted to establish 
a feudal system more perfect in its working than any in Eu- 
rope. For the systems with which they were familiar were 
the results of development or accident, while this was to be 
carefully thought out and the results calculated beforehand 
with almost mathematical accuracy, and applied arbitrarily 
to a new state which was just forming itself. 

In the new nobility the amount of land "belonging to a 
certain title had been fixed with the exception of manors, the 
size of which might vary from 3000 to 12000 acres. The ob- 
ligations of the leet men, whether subject to lords of manors, 
casiques, or landgraves, were to be the same in all parts of 
the province. As has been shown, the theory could not be 
put into practice as originally intended in the case of the 
nobility, and it turned out to be even more impracticable to 
put the articles relating to leetmen into operation. There is 
not the slightest evidence that the offer of ten acres with its 
feudal acknowledgement which might amount to an eighth of 
the proceeds therefrom yearly, tempted anyone to put him- 
self and his children into bondage to an overlord, when land 

^ Col. Rec, vol. I, page 187. 

69 



was in abundance near by and free from burdensome obliga- 
tions. It was so manifestly impossible to carry out these prom- 
ises, that in the instructions to Colonel Philip Ludwell sent 
out in 1691, which were in reality a reduction of the Funda- 
mentals from 120 to 43 articles,^ there is no mention of leet- 
men or leetcourts, although landgraves and casiques are men- 
tioned as if they were still to exist as before. In place of 
leetcourts there were to be representatives chosen by the free- 
men, and the criminal courts were to be administered by the 
governor or by commissioners appointed by him. 

But when Graffenried brought out his colony, the old 
idea seems to have been revived for him and his settlers, for 
he would hardly have made an arrangement which removed 
his colonists from the jurisdiction of the officers of the prov- 
ince without the advice of the proprietors. The conditions 
under which the settlement was being made would favor 
such a government as they had originally planned, but would 
not make it essential. His people were coming out together, 
all spoke the same language and would naturally be some- 
what cut off from the rest of the inhabitants of the province 
because of this; but since the French colonists,^ though liv- 
ing somewhat segregated from the rest, held their lands just 
as the English settlers and were subject to the same govern- 
ment, Graffenried 's arrangement was not made necessary by 
the fact that his people spoke a different language from those 
about them. By his contract with the Swiss and Palatines 
they were to pay a higher quit rent than was charged else- 
where in the province, but in return for it they were to re- 
ceive material help in getting settled, which would offset the 
disadvantage of the higher rate. The proprietors had trouble 
over quit rents continually. Penn in Pennsylvania com- 
plained that the people did not appreciate what he was doing 
for them and that his revenues were not as large as they should 
be, and it was perhaps in hopes that if the people could be 
brought into a modified feudal relation with the proprietors 
there would be less trouble over quit rents than if they were 

'Col. Rec, vol. I, page 373 flF. 
^'McCrady, page 319 ff. 

70 



allowed to live as free as the English colonists, a condition 
which could be more easily maintained with a group of peo- 
ple speaking a different language from the main body of in- 
habitants. 

The agreement which Graffenried and Michel entered into 
with the Commissioners has only an indication of some such 
arrangement in the words, "that some number of the said 
poor Palatines may be disposed of and settled in the said 
tract in North Carolina aforesaid, as well for the benefit 
X)f the said Christopher de Graffenried and Lewis Michel 
as for the relief and support of the poor Palatines".^ 

In the abstract of the treaty ^ with the proprietors we 
find, furthermore, that Graffenried was to be the judge of all 
disputes arising among the Germans, but in cases where the 
English were involved the jurisdiction was in the hands of the 
courts. But all cases of capital crimes were reserved for the 
proprietors themselves. This is not as complete a jurisdic- 
tion as the Fundamental Constitutions had originally given 
to landgraves and others who should have leetmen; but it 
nevertheless put a very considerable authority into Graffen- 
ried 's hands and where his own settlers alone were con- 

' Col. Rec, vol. I, page 987 ff. The italics are mine. V. H. T. 

'lis m'ont vendu 15000 arpents terre choisie que j'ay fait arpenter 
Sur la Riviere de News et Trent et 2500 acres Sur Weetock River, a 10 
livres Sterlins le 1000, ou une livre Sterl; p cent acres, et 6 Sols par 100 
arpendts, cen ce fonciere, ce qui fait la Somme de 175£ Sterl; ce que j'ay 
d'arbord paye content. 2. II y a eu une reserve de 100 mille acres a choi- 
sir entre ces Rivieres cy nomees et Clarendon R. pour le meme prix, et 
pour cela j'ay eu 7 ans de terme pour faire le premier payement et des 
la 7e: jusques a la 12e: le tout devoit etre paye. 3e. Les differents 
qu'auroient mon Peuple avec les Anglois se devoient terminer devant les 
juges Anglois mais ce que mes Colonistes auroient de dificulte entre Eux 
cela se termineroit entre Eux ou par devant moy. La haute Jurisdiction 
au faits criminels a mort reserves aux Seigrs. Prop: 4e. Liberte de Reli- 
gion, et d'avoir un ministre de notre Pays qui pourroit precher en notre 
langue — . oe. Droit de ville et marche ou faire a Neuberne. 6e. francs 
de toutte taille et impots dimes et Cences hormi les 6 Sols p 100 acres 
annullemmet come susdit. 7e. Les Seigrs Prop: ou la Province par leurs 
ordres me devoient fournir pour 2 ou 3 ans de provision de vivres et 
betail pour moy et toutte la Colonic moyenant restitution apres le terme 
prescrit. (French version). 

71 



cerned in any but capital crimes is just as great. That he 
actually exercised authority is proven by the fact that he in- 
curred the enmity of the Palatine blacksmith by sentencing 
him to a day 's log sawing for using foul language. 

In the abstract of his treaty^ with the Palatines he was to 
give each family 300 acres of land, for which they should 
pay a quit rent of two-pence per acre, while he took upon 
himself the payment of the Lords Proprietors' six pence per 
100 acres. Thus, as has been said before, the colonists payed 
a higher rent than was customary in the other provinces and 
dealt with Graffenried and not with the officers who usually 
attended to the collection of quit rents. The Swiss who wrote 
the letters home, when referring to their farms, used the word 
Lechen (Lehn) which carries with it the idea of an estate held 
of another, while Gut, which is used but once, usually has the 
meaning of a freehold but not necessarily so. The frequency 
of the use of Lechen indicates that the colonists themselves 
recognized a sort of feudal relationship. His own language 
in characterizing the actions of his colonists in following Brice, 
when he speaks of them as abtruennig (disloyal), verrae- 
tersch (traiterous) would not have been used except in the case 
of subjects; and later when the distress became more press- 
ing he exercised one of the rights expressly given in the Con- 
stitution to landgraves, casique, and lords of Manor, when he 
gave his people permission to leave their farms. In this case 
he gave them leave to go away for two years to look for work, 
the implication being at the end of that time they should 
come back. Referring again to the articles on leetmen, we 
find that they were not allowed to leave their land without 
the express permission of their lord. And lastly, his agree- 

* J'avois aussi un Traitte particulier et bien exact avec les Palatins 
lequell fust projecte examine et arrete, devant et par la Commission 
Royale trop ample a inserrer icy, seulement en Substance ce qui suit 
le. mes Colonistes me devoient fidelite obeysance et Respect, et moy la 
Protection, au. 2e. Je devais fournir chaque famille de provision pour la 
premiere annee, d'une Vache de deux Cochons et de quelques utensils, 
moyenant restitution apres 3 ans. 3e. Je devois doner a chaque famille 
300 arp: de Terre et ils devoient me livrer pour Cence fonciere 2 Sols 
par acre, en contre je devois Supporter les 6 sols p 100 acres de recon- 
noissance envers les Seigrs. Prop, come desia Susdit. 

72 



ment with the colonists says that they owed him fidelity, obe- 
dience and respect, and that he owed them protection — certain- 
ly a rather feudal-like expression. This is the relationship 
planned for at least one generation. How far the systems 
might have been planned to extend cannot be determined. 
We only know that the landgraveship was hereditary, and, 
that these estates may have been planned to descend likewise 
in the same family from father to son. From these considera- 
tions, then, it seems to me that this colony was the nearest 
approach to Locke's ideal ever established in this country — 
the only one founded on the Grand Model. 

In the report to the Georg Ritter Company, also, it is ex- 
pressly stated that purchasers of land shall have the right to 
sell their holdings ; but under the proprietary government buy- 
ing and selling of land did not alter the fact that each acre of 
ground owed its half penny quit rent to the proprietors, and it 
is to be supposed that if anyone should buy one of these farms 
owned by a Palatine, he would assume the responsibilities of 
rent, obedience and respect to the landgrave. In the end when 
the scheme failed, we find that Graffenried made over the whole 
tract to Colonel Pollock and the people lost their holdings; a 
result which could not have happened had they held of the 
proprietors as others did, for the system of registration of 
deeds was very perfect in Carolina at this time, and there 
could have been no mistake about ownership. 

It would be too much to expect Graffenried, a member of 
one of the few patrician families of Bern, an ex-bailiff of an 
important city, coming to America as the head of the coloniz- 
ing project, to show an entirely democratic spirit or to be 
very favorable to such democracy as he saw in those around 
him. The disorders attendant upon Gary's and Glover's ri- 
valry, and Gary's refusal f6 submit to Governor Hyde, were 
menacing the very existence of the colony, and one might ex- 
pect a stronger expression of what must have been his senti- 
ments, when, in speaking of the help asked for from Spots- 
wood, he says, "Seeing that these Virginians were not dis- 
posed to help us, perhaps themselves having a little of that 
free and democratic spirit ".'^ All the assistance from the pro- 

* French Version. 



73 



prietors and from the company in Bern on which the contin- 
uance of the colony depended, were to come through him, and 
it is natural that we should find evidences of a paternal gov- 
ernment in the little colony at New Bern. Nevertheless, patri- 
cian though he was, Graffenried had the welfare of the colony 
at heart. The letters from the settlers express satisfaction 
with his administration and he seems to have regarded the title 
as of value only as it made the Carolinians respect him, and so 
benefited his colony and company.^ 

It is unfortunate that the colony was broken up so early 
in its history, before the system of government had time to 
become something more than a mere paper scheme of the pro- 
prietors, and before it had time to develop, as it most cer- 
tainly would have done, into something suited to the needs 
of the people. It has been seen that the modified system of 
leetmen actually put into operation was much more workable 
than the scheme as laid out in the Unalterable Constitutions. 
When we remember that besides the Palatines who were seek- 
ing liberty as well as freedom of conscience, there were some 
Swiss country people who had belonged to the religious broth- 
erhood where they had a voice in matters that concerned the 
community, that in Switzerland in general there had always 
been a tradition of liberty, that in Bern, from whence most 
of them had come, popular assemblies had been held as late 
as 1653, and that shortly after this, assemblies were to be tried 
again, showing that the sentiment was still strong among the 
common people,^ it is not surprising to see indications of such 
an assembly in New Bern, when the town was to be named.^ 

' German Version. 

= Cambridge History, vol. VI, page 623 ff. 1713. 

' The sentence, French Version, in which this occasion is mentioned 
reads as follows: 

II s'agissoit de doner un nom a la Ville ce que nous fumes en grande 
Solennite, et nous joignimes au nom de Neuws celuy de Berne, ainsi la 
Ville fust baptisee Neuberne. 

Compare with the above the following passages: 

... et j e fis meme une espece d'aillance avec ce Roitelet nom6 Taylor 
et Son Monde, cela ce fist Solennellmt. 

... lis commencerent de gouter mes raisons et on tient pour cela une 
assemblee Solenelle. 



74 



On later occasions his people showed a spirit which, while dis- 
tressing to Graffenried and perhaps of actual harm to them- 
selves, proves very conclusively that where they considered 
it necessary they showed their independence by leaving Graf- 
fenried without permission, and seeking with Brice the pro- 
tection the Baron appeared unable to afford. Whatever may 
have been planned, it is reasonably sure that a feudal govern- 
ment would not have endured long with these liberty loving 
Germans and Swiss. As it is, there appears to have been a 
paternal government with indications of concerted and inde- 
pendent action of the people. 

Chapter X. 

Eyde comes to North Carolina in January, 1711 — Graffenried 
made a Colonel — Hopes to receive assistance from the 
Province — Cary preparing for open rebellion — Condition 
of the town — Graffenried sends a report to Bern — Ap- 
pearance of prosperity deceptive — Letter by Urmstone 
shows the condition to be as Graffenried describes — Gary's 
attack and retreat — Peace of short duration — The Gov- 
ernor of Virginia sends help — Effect of the war on the 
German Colony — An exploring trip — Lawson and Graf- 
fenried captured by the Indians. 

Taking up the story again from where it was left in Part 
II, chapter VIII : Hyde entered upon his duties some time in 
December,^ 1710, and shortly after sent Graffenried a Colo- 
nel's commission along with a summons to attend the assem- 
bly. Graffenried could ill afford the time from his own affairs, 
but hoped the opportunity had now come to obtain the needed 
assistance for his people. The Governor's will in the matter 
was good, but the treasury was empty, for Cary still held the 
funds of the province, and was, moreover, making prepara- 

S)te ^nbianer nun betrcfenb, fo finb fie nidjt gu bcfordjten, fo mon 
einen 93unb mtt ^^nen mocf)t, trclc^c§ fc^on ©oHentfd^. 

This use of some form of the word meaning solemn in the last three 
cases, evidently referring to an assembly for free discussion, argues that 
it is used in the first case with the same connotation especially since he 
does not use the word otherwise in the manuscripts. 

» Col. Rec, Vol. I, page 750. 

75 



tion for active resistance. Graffenried now had to take one 
side or the other, for the situation was growing more tense, 
and the question of colonial support for the Palatines had to 
be brought to an issue and decided as soon as possible. His 
only hope was in Hyde, for Gary's promises had proven un- 
reliable; and he threw himself into Hyde's cause with all 
his might, although he and his people would have preferred to 
stay out of the trouble. In the report ^ to the Georg Ritter 
Company he says that he and his people took Hyde's part, 
but in the accounts he says that they remained neutral, be- 
cause they were intimidated by Gary. Most likely Hyde had 
their sympathy and half hearted support, but they took no 
active part in the ''war!" Some time during the spring the 
Hyde and Graffenried forces took Gary into custody, but he 
made his escape. 

Meanwhile the colony was prospering, the settlers were 
contented and there were excellent prospects, for people as 
far away as Pennsylvania had taken lots.- Graffenried 
had expended 2228£ in provisions of one sort or another, 
though not in the amount specified in the contract with the 
commissioners, regarding cattle for the Palatines. However, 
the settlers were apparently satisfied and there was still time 
to supply them completely. There were two boats * belonging 
to the colony which he and Michel had bought to save trans- 
portation charges. Their town had one of the few school- 
masters in the province, for Graffenried had provided for 
this need before leaving London, and the trades were also 
well represented. Graffenried took charge of the ordinary 
religious services, which consisted in reading of prayers in 
the houses of his colonists, using the Episcopal forms, and 
very rarely a sermon was preached to them by the Church of 
'England missionary. During the lull in the troubles, while 
Gary was preparing for his next attempt on the govern- 
ment, Graffenried used the occasion of one of his settler's 
going home to write to his Company a circumstantial account 

^ German Version, Report. 
^ German Version, Report. 
* French Version. 



76 



of the situation, and several of his settlers, likewise wrote to 
their friends or relatives, and from these letters one can 
gather that the future was full of hope, and they had no doubt 
of Graff enried's ability to continue to supply them what was 
needed, or even to take charge of more who might wish to 
come. 

But in spite of the appearance of prosperity, ruin was 
imminent, though of all the New Bern colony Graffenried alone 
gives evidence of seeing it. Persons on the outside soon 
began to notice that something was wrong, for his difficulties 
were known to Missionary Urmstone who mentions them in 
his letter to the Secretary of the Society for the Propagation 
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. This letter, though evidently 
intended to discredit the Quaker Proprietor, Danson, and 
exaggerated, at any rate, as to the number of Palatines who 
had come to the colony, must have had some foundation in 
fact. The letter was written July 17, 1711, and the follow- 
ing postscript was added, one item of which has been alluded 
to before on page 49. 

' ' P. S. As for the Rebels, I am not much concerned, but 'tis 
grievious to here the complaints of the poor men & families, 
who have been so long in arms that they have lost their 
crops & will want bread, the ravage & plunder of the ene- 
mies have committed has ruined others. — another instance of 
the Quakers Knavery I cannot omit which concerns you to 
Knowe as having been commissioner for the Palatines. Baron 
Graffenried with his people must have starved, if not supplied 
by others here. He had an order from the proprietors, i. e. 
Danson for the rest never concern themselves to receive £1500 
here for which he was to pay 1000 sterling, a great cheat, 
for £1000 sterling is worth £3000 here in our pay. Danson 
in his Letter to his friends here bragged they should get an 
Estate by these Foreigners. Gary the late ursurper of this 
government, & now head of the Rebels was to pay it out of 
the proprietors dues which he had received he was arrested 
& made his escape what reason then have they to protect him 
to prevent others from supplying the Baron in his great dis- 
tress. Roach & the Quakers reported that the Baron had no 

77 



credit in England, nor had he any money anywhere, through 
ill usage in their way hither & since their arrival of 900 pala- 
tines there are but 300 nowe alive, & those ready to starve, 
through the instigation of the English, who live near them the 
neighboring Indians are very troublesome to them in the be- 
ginning of this present Rebellion the Baron with the Swiss 
& palatines would have joined the Governor but were threat- 
ened with fire & sword, the Engld & Indians designed to de- 
stroy them & all they had such encouragement do the pro- 
prietors give people to come into their colony. I have writ- 
ten a very tart letter to Sir John Colleton a proprietor con- 
cerning all matters whether pleased or displeased, it matters 
not the proprietors promised me all friendship & favor, but 
as yet never showed me any & I believe never will ' '.^ 

With Gary and a considerable faction in active opposition 
to the government, something had to be done immediately in 
self defense, and a council was held at Golonel Pollock's. 
This was Gary's chance, if ever he had one, to succeed, and 
on June 30,- while the governor, Graffenried, and Golonel 
Pollock were in session, consulting how to meet the emer- 
gency, the rebels, as they are always called, came up in their 
brigantine and fired a shot which damaged the roof. The 
Golonel returned an answer and followed it with another. 
The ship then withdrew having suffered an injury to one of 
her masts and the enemy sent out a landing party, thinking 
there were but few defenders. But when they saw the yellow 
livery of Graffenried 's servant they thought the whole Pala- 
tine colony present under arms and this so alarmed them that 
they immediately steered back for the ship. The Golonel 
seized the strategic moment and launched a boat in pursuit, 
The attacking party boarded their vessel again and tried to 
escape. But unable to outdistance their pursuers the crew 
were seized with a panic, ran ashore, and took to the woods. 
This victory gave Hyde the advantage, for with the brigan- 
tine in his power, the Governor was able to make terms; of- 
fering a free pardon to all except the ringleaders. Graf- 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 774. 
*Col. Rec, vol. I, page 802. 

78 



fenried used this opportunity to have the council recognize 
Hyde — over a year after his appointment and about seven 
months after his arrival in the colony. 

The peace was of short duration, however. Gary forti- 
fied himself on an island; and efforts to dislodge him prov- 
ing unsuccessful in what may be called the second battle of 
the war, Graffenried was sent to Virginia for help. After a 
long and tedious journey, he arrived at Williamsburg and 
presented his petition. There was still the difficulty that Hyde 
lacked the signature of the Governor of South Carolina and 
Spotswood, therefore, scarcely dared send troops.^ But final- 
ly in his position as Admiral of the Virginia coasts he sent a 
vessel with marines. He had hoped to send a fleet which was 
then in Virginia waters on their way home, but the Com- 
mander refused to go. The Governor also assembled militia 
troops on the frontier to be ready if anything serious should 
happen. On the 28 of July, 1711, he writes that the rebels 
were so alarmed that they fled at the arrival of the marines 
and so a third battle never took place.^ Cary was caught and 
taken to England for trial, but the matter was dropped and 
nothing was ever done with him. 

This short and bloodless war marks the beginning of the 
end for Graffenried 's colony. Up until April and May of the 
year 1711 as the letters and the report show the colony pros- 
pered, and the people had enough to live on after the coming 
of Graffenried with the ship load of Swiss in September 1710. 
Immediately after the dispersal of the rebels an assembly 
was held, and Hyde was received as governor. Graffenried 
was present and hoped to receive help, but failed again. A 
proposition to borrow from the province on two or three year's 
time was also refused, for the whole northern province of 
Carolina was suffering from the confusion, and crops were 
bad because of neglect. When, finally, Graffenried was per- 
mitted to return from the assembly, having accomplished noth- 
ing for their relief, he found his people without food, many 
of them sick, and several of them dead, because of their neg- 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 779 flF. 
' Col. Rec, vol. I, page 783. 

79 



lect of his very sensible order to boil all their drinking water. 
The disease which took so many of them away at this time, 
from Graff enried 's description, seems to have been typhoid 
fever, and the injunction to use plenty of boiled water was 
the best remedy that could have been prescribed for them. 

In some way or other Graffenried and his colony managed 
to get along till about the first of September. At that time, 
since the weather seemed suitable, and the Indians well dis- 
posed, he had no great fear of making a fifteen days ' exploring 
expedition up the river with Surveyor Lawson. The plan was 
to see how far the river was navigable, and to find out if a 
better road to Virginia might not be made on the higher 
ground and thus save the dangerous voyages by way of the 
Albermarle Sound which was very treacherous on account of 
the numerous shoals and shifting sand bars. They went in a 
canoe with two negro servants and two friendly Indians, one 
of whom rode Graffenried 's horse along the bank. On the 
second day from home the Indian who was riding the horse 
was halted by one of King Hancock's men, and the whole 
party taken before that chief. Only a few days before this 
Graffenried had been very hospitably used, when he had lost 
his way in the woods, for they kept him over night and even 
took some cider from a sick woman in order to give to him, 
and the next day guided him home. He in turn had payed 
their generosity with presents, not forgetting a little brandy 
for the invalid, and consequently he hardly expected this 
treatment. But since he had last seen them, the Indians had 
begun to plan a revenge for some of their wrongs. Graffenried 
gives Gary credit for having before this slandered him to them, 
by making them believe that he, Graffenried, intended to rob 
them of their lands. Other Carolinians had robbed them in 
trade and disturbed them in their hunting, and the exploring 
party, which, at least looked suspicious to them, had the mis- 
fortune to come just as the Indians were assembling for the 
attack. 



80 



Chapter XI. 
Documents to prove that the Indians had cause for resentment 

at their treatment hy the English. 

In view of the idea people generally have of the Indians 
as descending without provocation upon helpless frontier 
settlements and satisfying an inhuman thirst for blood on in- 
nocent victims, it has seemed well to quote a few extracts 
from Lawson's Journal, Spotwood's letters, the memoirs of 
Sir William Byrd, and the Colonial Records, to show that the 
Indians in Carolina had, at least, reason to be alarmed at the 
encroachments on their territories, and dissatisfied with their 
treatment by their English neighbors. 

"The next day, early, came two Tuskeruru Indians to the 
other side of the River, but could not get over. They talked 
much to us, but we understood them not. In the Afternoon, 
Will (the Indian Guide) came with the Mare and had some 
Discourse with them; they told him the English, to whom he 
was going, were very wicked People; and. That they threat- 
ened the Indians for hunting near their Plantations".^ 

"Thus you have an account of the Latitude, Soil, and Ad- 
vantages of Cape Fear, or Clarendon-River, which was settled 
in the year 1661, or thereabouts ; and had it not been for the 
irregular Practices of some of that Colony against the In- 
dians, by sending away some of their Children, (as I have 
been told) under Pretence of instructing 'em in Learning 
and the Principles of the Christian Religion ; ^ which so dis- 
gusted the Indians that tho' they had then no Guns, yet they 
never gave over, till they rid themselves of the English by 
their Bows and Arrows; with which they did not only take 
off themselves, but also their Stocks of Cattle. And this was 
so much the more ruinous to them, in that they could have no 
Assistance from South Carolina which was not then planted; 
and the other Plantations were but in their Infancy. Were 
it not for such ill Practices, I say, it might, in all Probability 
have been, at this day, the best Settlement in their Lordships 
great Province of Carolina".^ 

^Lawson's Journal, page 58. 

" He means selling them into slavery. 

•Lawson's Journal, page 73. 

81 



The next is an extract of a letter from Governor Spots- 
wood to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, 
April 5th, 1717. 

"The Inhabitants of our frontiers are composed generally 
of such as have been transported hither as Servants, and be- 
ing out of their time, and settle themselves where Land is 
to be taken up and that will produce the necessarys of Life 
with little Labor. It is pretty well known what Morals such 
people bring with them hither, which are not like to be much 
mended by their Scituation, remote from all places of wor- 
ship; they are so little concern 'd about Religion, that the 
Children of many of the Inhabitants of those frontier Settle- 
ments are 20, and some 30 years of age before they are bap- 
tized, and some not at all. 

* ' Those who are nearest Neighbors to the Indians, by whose 
principles and practices they are not like to be much improved, 
but this is not all, for these people, knowing the Indians to 
be lovers of strong liquors, make no scruple of first making 
them drunk and then cheating them of their skins, and even 
of beating them in the bargain; on the other hand, the In- 
dians, being unacquainted with the methods of obtaining re- 
paration by Law, frequently revenge themselves by the murder 
of the persons who thus treated them, or, (according to their 
notions of Satisfaction) of the next Englishmen they could 
most easily cutt off. And it is a very generall observation, 
both here and the neighboring Provinces, that no murders 
or hostility have ever been committed by the Indians unless 
where the English have given the first provocation".^ 

Colonel Byrd has this to say with reference to the troubles 
under consideration: "There are generally some Carolina 
Traders that constantly live among the Catawbas and Pretend 
to Exercise a dictatorial Authority among them. These petty 
Rulers don't only teach the honester Savages all sorts of De- 
bauchery, but are unfair in their dealings, and use them with 
all kinds of Oppression. Nor has their Behavior been at 
all better to the rest of the Indian Nations, among whom they 
reside, by abusing their Women aild Evil-Entreating their 

* Spotswood, vol. II, page 227. 

82 



Men; and, by the way, this was the true Reason of the fatal 
war which the Nations roundabout made upon Carolina in 
the year 1713.^ 

"Then it was that the Neighboring Indians grown weary 
of the Tyranny and Injustice with which they had been 
abused for many Years, resolved to endure their bondage 
no longer, but enter 'd into General Confederacy against their 
Oppressors of Carolina. 

"The Indians open'd the War by knocking most of those 
little Tyrants on the Head that dwelt amongst them under 
pretence of regulating their Commerce, and from thence 
Carry 'd their Resentment so far as to endanger both North 
and South Carolina".^ 

An actual instance of oppression had occurred a few years 
before. In 1707 the IMaherine Indians had been assigned lands 
for their use by the government of Virginia; and since they 
were living in peace with the English in both Virginia and 
Carolina, no complaint of depredations were ever made against 
them. Their lands, however, were the subject of dispute be- 
tween the two provinces, and as the line had not been run 
yet the quarrel could not be settled. Thomas Pollock wanted 
these lands for his own use and attempted to drive the Indians 
off with armed force. He captured 36 of them, kept them for 
two days in a fort, without water, in the meantime he broke 
down their cabins and threatened to destroy their corn crop 
if they did not move off the reservation. As the Indians could 
have had no very clear notion of the dispute between Caro- 
lina and Virginia, and had been promised the peaceful pos- 
session of their land by the Virginia government, this en- 
croachment by Pollock must have shaken their faith in the 
honesty of the white men. Even if the lands lay in territory 
south of 36° 30' (a matter which was not settled till years af- 
ter)' it was unjust and impolitic to make them suffer for the 
mistake of the Virginia government. The Virginians natur- 

^The time of their final defeat. Their massacres were made in the 
fall of 1711 and the summer, of 1712. 
» Byrd, page 239. 
•Byrd, page 3. The line was run in 1728. 

83 



ally expected the Indians to call on other Indians to help them 
retaliate. In 1710 complaints were sent by the assembly of 
North Carolina to Virginia that these Maherines were com- 
mitting depredations.^ Spotswood did nothing about it and 
expressed no sympathy because he says the whites had been 
the aggressors.- 

Chapter XII. 

Graffenried a prisoner — Lawson killed — Graffenried kept a 
prisoner — The Indians plan to massacre English and Ger- 
mans — Discussion of the cause of the massacre — The hlame 
laid on the late rebels — Documents proving that others 
besides Graffenried believed them guilty — Graffenried's 
truce — Attack by the English and Palatines — Graffenried 
agrees to a ransom and is allowed to go home — Spotswood 
approves of the truce — E7iglish and Palatines disapprove 
and plot against his life. 

Had Graffenried been alone it would have been better for 
him on this exploring expedition, for the Indians knew he 
had never done them any harm, but they disliked Lawson be- 
cause of his having cheated them.^ At first the Indians were 
disposed to let both of them go when they found who they 
were. But at a second examination, Lawson could not refrain 
from quarreling with one of his captors, and this destroyed 
all possibility of a release. The Indians in anger prepared to 
execute both men. Bound hand and foot, the victims sat on 
the ground and watched the preparations, not the least fright- 
ful of which was the great heap of burning wood. Graffen- 
ried, however, managed to speak to one of the Indians who 

' Col. Rec, vol. I, page 754. 

^Col. Rec, vol. I, page 667 ff. 

»Byrd, page 228. 

"It was on that Provocation they resented their wrongs a little too 
severely upon Mr. Lawson, who under Colour of being Surveyor gen'l 
had encroached too much upon their territoi-ies at which they were so 
much enraged that they waylaid him and cut his throat from ear to ear, 
but at the same time released the Baron de Graffenried, whom they had 
seized for Company, because it appeared plainly he had done them no 
wrong." 

84 



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O 



a- ^ 




^-- 



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tl^ 



NJ> 









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.^^s».. 



■\\U - N-'' 



d^ . --~ 



■^ 









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-^•^••':t;5^S 






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understood a little English, explained his innocence and also 
threatened them with the Queen's displeasure and the ven- 
geance she would take if they harmed him, but his arguments 
did not seem to have much effect at first ; so in expectation of 
immediate torture and death he fortified himself and his 
negro slave with prayer and exhortation and found peace of 
mind in these exercises. About three or four o'clock in the 
morning he was unbound and led away, as he supposed, to 
his death, but the Indian signified to him that his life was to 
be spared and only Lawson would have to die, and so it 
proved. Just what the manner of his death was Graffenried 
never learned, for the Indians steadfastly refused to divulge 
it; but he had heard them threaten to cut Lawson 's throat 
with a razor.^ Yet while Graffenried 's life was spared, they 
did not let him go immediately, but kept him a prisoner for 
six weeks. 

*Col. Rec, vol. I, page 836. 

From a letter of Christopher Gale, November 3, 1711. 

"But the fate of Mr. Lawson (if our Indian information be true) 
was much more tragical, for we are informed that they stuck him full of 
fine small splinters of torch wood like hog's bristles and so set them grad- 
ually afire." 

The following from Lawson's Journal (197) in this connection has a 
grewsome interest: 

"Their cruelty to their Prisoners of War is what they are seemingly 
guilty of an error in, (I mean as to a natural Failing) because they strive 
to invent the most Inhumane Butcheries for them that the Devils them- 
selves could invent, or hammer out of Hell; they esteeming Death no 
Punishment, but rather an Advantage to him, that is exported out of this 
into another world. Therefore they inflict on them Torments in which 
they prolonged Life in that miserable state as long as they can, and never 
miss skulping of them, as they call it which is, to cut off the Skin from 
the Temples, and taking the whole Head of Hair along with it, as it were 
a Night-cap. Sometimes they take the Top of the Skull along with it; 
all which they preserve; and carefully keep by them, for a Trophy of 
their Conquest over their Enemies. Others keep their Enemies Teeth, 
which are taken in War, whilst others split the Pitch pine into Splinters 
and stick them into the Prisoner's Body yet alive. Thus they light them, 
which burn like so many Torches; and in this Manner they make him 
dance around a great Fire, every one buffeting and deriding him till he 
expires, when every one strives to get a Bone or some Relick of this un- 
fortunate Captive." 

85 



During this time the indirect consequences of the civil 
difficulties were felt by the Colony. The violence of the feel- 
ing in the later Gary disturbances make it manifestly impos- 
sible for the partisans of either side to be fair to the others, 
and unfortunately, since the record of the quarrel was writ- 
ten by strong partisans of Hyde, statements must be accepted 
with caution. Graffenried ^ occasionally, and Spotswood ^ 
repeatedly, state that Gary and the other opponents of Hyde 
tried to bring down the Indians to aid them in their resistance. 
Such a crime is hard to believe, and Weeks ^ does not credit 
these statements, because the district of Bath, which was 
friendly to Gary, suifered as severely as New Bern, which fa- 
vored Hyde. Nevertheless, the Indians somehow had gotten 
the notion that Hyde was their enemy, and it does not seem 
unlikely that Gary and others might have gone among them to 
enlist help. For on July 28, 1711 Governor Spotswood writes : 

"There are several affidavits sent me to prove that one 
Porter who is one of Gary's pretended Gouncil was with 
the Tuscaruro Indians promising great Rewards to incite 
them to cut off all the Inhabitants of that part of Carolina 
that adhered to Mr. Hyde. The Indians own that the pro- 
posal was accepted by their young men, but that their 
old men (who bare great Sway in all their Councils) being 
by their own nature Suspitious of some trick or else directed 
by a Superior providence, refused to be concerned in that 
barbarous design".* Such positive statements and the fact 
that Graffenried 's death was determined when they supposed 
him to be Governor Hyde, and let him go when they found 
who he really was, help to confirm the report.^ IMoreover, 
the crime, though great, of using the savages as allies was 
duplicated by the English Government as late as during the 
Revolution and the War of 1812, so that the mere repulsiveness 
of the thought does not disprove the fact. 

* German Version. 

» Col. Rec, vol. I, page 776. Spotswood, vol. I. pp. 84, 94, 108. 

* Johns Hopkins Studies, vol. X, page 300 ff. 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 796 ; see also page 802 for statement by Hyde. 
'German Version. 

86 



Although at the time of the Gary troubles, the Indians 
did not make any moves against the white settlers, such invi- 
tations, if one may trust reports like the above, certainly 
showed them the colony 's weakness. And it is but natural that 
they determined to profit by it. Notwithstanding their per- 
sonal friendship for Graffenried, they were still savages and 
acted the part by massacring all the whites in the Bath 
County they could reach, whether Swiss, Palatines or English. 

Spotswood thus describes one of these massacres : ' ' On the 
22nd of the last month some towns of the Tuscaruro Indians 
and other Nations bordering on Carolina, made an incursion 
upon the head of the Neuse and Pamlico Rivers, in that prov- 
ince, without any previous declaration of War or show of 
discontent, and having divided themselves into partys at Sun 
rise (which was the Signal for their bloody design) began a 
barbarous Massacre, on the Inhabitants of the Frontier plan- 
tations, killing without distinction of age or Sex, 60 English 
and upwards of that number of Swiss and palatines, besides 
a great many left dangerously wounded. The Baron de 
Graffenried, Chief of the Swiss and Palatines' Settlement 
there, is also fallen into their hands and carryed away Pris- 
oner. Since which they have continued their Ravages in 
burning those plantations and others deserted by the Inhab- 
itants for fear of the like Crueltys. The Governor, Mr. 
Hyde, has raised what men he can to oppose the further In- 
vasion of the heathen and protect the rest of the Country, but 
that Spirit of disobedience to which they have long been ac- 
customed, still prevails so much that he can hardly persuade 
them to unite for their common Safety. I will not affirm that 
the invitation given those Savages some time ago by Collo. 
Cary and his party to cutt off their fellow Subjects has been 
the only occasion of this Tragedy, tho' that heavy charge is 
proved by divers Testimony and firmly believed in Carolina. 
Yet it appears very reasonable to believe that they have been 
greatly encouraged in this attempt by the unnatural Divi- 
sions and Animosities among the Inhabitants, and I very 
much fear their mutinous and Cowardly behavior in some late 

87 



Skirmishes will Embolden the Indians to continue their In- 
solences".^ 

The plan of this massacre was perfected while Graffenried 
was still a prisoner among the Indians. He knew of their 
design and was in anxiety for his people, of course, but al- 
though the redmen promised that they would spare such of 
the Palatines as were in the city, he was not much comforted, 
for he had no way of warning his people to retire from their 
farms to the village. In a few days the warriors with the 
prisoners and the booty returned. Among these prisoners was 
a Palatine boy, and from him he learned that many of the 
Palatines as well as English had been slaughtered. 

Graffenried now saw no hopes of getting back home except 
by making a treaty of neutrality between himself and the 
Indians. By this he was to give a ransom for his own life 
and help neither the English nor the Indians during the war, 
and in return all his colonists' houses marked with a big N 
were to be safe from harm. 

Another important clause provided that the Indians should 
be allowed to buy goods at reasonable rates. The colonists 
had not gone into the Indian trade as yet, but by the report, 
memorial and letters ^ we learn they were intending to do so, 
and in April had sent in orders for goods, knives, brass rings, 
and pipes, but had not yet had time to get them back, when 
Urmstone writes July 17 that the Indians, incited by jealous 
traders, had been annoying the colony.^ One cannot sup- 
pose the Germans, knowing that the Indians were unfriendly, 
would go among them later if their goods should have come. 
Graffenried himself seems to have felt that all was not well 
when Lawson persuaded him to go up the river to explore; 
and so the clause can scarcely be directed against him or his 
colony, but rather shows that there was dissatisfaction with 
the professional traders and their extortions, against which 
the Indians intended to secure themselves beforehand by a 

^ Spottswood, vol, I, page 116. 

^ German Version. 

«Col. Rec, vol. I, page 774. 

88 



treaty, in case they and the Germans should have dealings 
together. 

After Graffenried had been some time among them, Spots- 
wood wrote a letter ordering the Indians to release their pris- 
oner, with no better result than to anger them the more. 
Spotswood had gone to a village called Notaway, and Graffen- 
ried meanwhile was taken to a village called Tasqui which 
lay in the direction of Notaway; but he was disappointed in 
his hopes of meeting the Governor, and soon after was taken 
to Catechna for security, because the Indians were afraid of 
losing the ransom. While he was here, the English and Pala- 
tines made an attack which angered the Indians very much in 
view of Graffenried 's treaty, though, of course, his people 
knew nothing of such an agreement as yet. The attack, fur- 
thermore, hampered Graffenried 's negotiations for liberty, 
and it was with difficulty that he made the Indians believe 
that his people had not been among the assailants. This at- 
tack also alarmed the Indians to such an extent that they 
moved their wives, children and old men to their fortified 
stronghold near Catechna, and the Carolinians, unable to 
capture the position, were forced to retreat with some loss in 
killed and captured. When they were gone the Indians re- 
turned to Catechna and Graffenried was set at liberty under 
promise of sending back the ransom. After two days' hard 
traveling and sleeping at night on the ground and in constant 
danger of wild beasts and hostile Indians, he reached home 
about October 30. 

Graffenried expected as far as possible to keep the truce 
he had made, and greatly angered ^ some of the English and 

* Spotswood, vol. I, page 142. (Extract of a letter) 

February 8, 1711. 

"The Baron de Graffenried being obliged, while he was a prisoner 
among the Indians, to conclude a Neutralitj^ for himself and his Pala- 
tines lives as yet undisturbed by the Heathen, but is sufficiently perse- 
cuted by the people of Carolina for not breaking with the Indians, tho' 
they will afford him neither provisions of War of Victuals nor Assistance 
from them. He has always declared his readiness to enter into a war as 
soon as he should be assisted to prosecute it, but it would be madness 
in him to expose his handful of people to the fury of the Indians, with- 
out some better assurance of help than the present confusions in that 

89 



Palatines when he refused to allow them to kill the Indian 
who came for the ransom. But he also delayed giving the 
ransom in hopes of inducing the Indians to free the other 
prisoners whom they still held. He also gave much valuable 
information concerning the situation to the English, It was 
on this account, he says, that a man Brice, who had estranged 
many of his people including a Palatine blacksmith, prepared 
20 or 23 articles against him, tried to arrest him, and threat- 
ened to have him hung. 

Chapter XIII. 

Discovery of the plot — Measures taken for the defence of the 
tonrn — Graff enried begins to make plans to go to Virgi- 
nia — A letter of Spotswood showing the condition of the 
colonists — Brice' s thoughtless attack precipitates war — 
Graff enried' s part in the war — Barnwell's breach of faith 
— Indians prepare for a new massacre — Graff enried' s con- 
dition — Visit to Governor Hyde — Loss of a boat load of 
provisions — Graff enried goes to Virginia to plan for a new 
settlement. 

Brice and his friends had plotted well, but their cause 
was destined to ruin by a trivial incident. While the plot 
was being made, a little Palatine boy was in the room, unno- 

province given him reasons to hope for, and the Indians would soon Either 
Entirely destroy that settlement or starve them out of the place by killing 
their stocks and hindering them from planting corn. In the meantime 
the people of Carolina receive very great advantage by this Neutrality, 
for by that means the Baron has an opportunity of discovering and 
communicating to them all the designs of the Indians, tho' he runs the 
Risque of paying dear for it if they ever come to know it. This makes 
him so apprehensive of his danger from them, and so diflBdent of help or 
even justice from the Government under which he is, that he has made 
some efforts to remove with the Palatines to this Colony upon some of her 
Majesty's Lands; and since such a number of people as he may bring 
with him, with what he proposes to invite over from Swisserland and Ger- 
many, will be of great advantage to this Country and prove a strong 
Barier against the incursions of the Indians if they were properly dis- 
posed above our inhabitans. I pray your Lord 'ps' directions what en- 
couragement ought to be given to their design, . . . (Italics are 
mine. V. H. T.) 

90 



ticed by the conspirators. He knew something was wrong and 
told his mother. She, being friendly to the Baron, got word 
to him; and when Brice and his friend came to get him they 
found themselves in a trap. But because of lack of direct 
evidence against them, Graff enried had to let them go. At a 
meeting of the assembly Graffenried justified himself in an 
impassioned speech, answering the series of complaints which 
had been made against him, but could get no satisfactory de- 
cision. The truce with the Indians was acceptable to no one, 
because the people, Germans and English, were angered 
against the Indians and anxious for a revenge. It appears 
that Graffenried would have had the truce include the whole 
province, but no one would hear of such a proposition in their 
eagerness for retaliation. The situation among the colonists, 
too, was far from favorable, for after the first massacre Brice 
had drawn off with him a large number of the Palatines ; and 
this not only left the outlying homes of the disaffected ones 
unprotected, but also materially reduced the defending force 
of the town. With the situation as it was on his return, Graf- 
fenried was too prudent to trust to the truce, and immediately 
began to fortify his town and to collect supplies and munitions 
of war. 

In the meantime although no large marauding parties took 
the warpath, many smaller bands of Indians harassed the out- 
lying districts, and kept the colonists in suspense for fear of 
an extensive and concerted attack. Just at this unfortunate 
moment the new disturbing element again asserted itself. 
Brice and his followers began a campaign, with most of the 
able bodied men in the Palatine settlement in their following. 
The exact time of this unofficial expedition is uncertain, but 
it was probably just before the general attack in January. 
Their most atrocious act of violence was the roasting alive of 
an innocent Indian chief, which, while not particularly bar- 
baric beside the Indian massacres of the autumn before, was 
sufficient to arouse the savage wrath. Moreover, the cam- 
paign had other and more far reaching effects. The Indians, 
not only attacked and destroyed more outlying homes, but 
chiefly they lost confidence in Graffenried, who previously 

91 



had been the one man who could act as a mediator between 
them and the whites. 

But Graffenried was in sore straits in other ways. Added 
to the danger of sure attack and possible siege was the dan- 
ger of starvation, for the stores were running short. One al- 
ternative was thought of only to be abandoned — it was to 
send away all the families whose men had followed Brice ; but 
they begged so hard to be allowed to remain, promising val- 
iant aid in case of need, that Graffenried was touched and 
acquiesced. But courage nor the promise of courage availed 
to create foodstuffs, and starvation became imminent. Possi- 
bilities of making a new settlement in Virginia were dis- 
cussed, but all such plans were for the time being abandoned 
for they still hoped to save the settlement at Newbern. With 
insufficient food supplies and ammunition for an extended 
campaign, without forts or stockades of sufficient strength to 
resist attack, the province awaited war with a cunning, cruel, 
and savage people. It was an awful time. The situation is 
nowhere better described than in the following extract of a 
letter written by Spotswood on December 28, 1711. "The 
shortness of their crops, occasioned by their Civil Dissensions 
last Summer and an unusual Drowth that succeeded, together 
with the Ravages made by the Indians among their Corn and 
Stocks, gives a dreadful prospect of a Famine, Insomuch that 
the Baron de Graffenried writes he shall be constrained to 
abandon the Swiss and Palatines' Settlement, without speedy 
Succours, the people being already in such despair that they 
have burnt their own houses rather than be obliged to stay in 
a place exposed to so many hardships''.^ 

The Indians, on the other hand, were well equipped, and 
in addition, capable of mustering large numbers almost at 
their very doors. And here was Brice with a small force of 
English and Palatines declaring war before any preparation 
could be made, and thereby destroying the only thing, slight 
as it was, which stood between the province and the Indians — 
Graffenried 's truce. "With the truce broken thus, Graffenried 
realized that the only safety lay in prosecuting the war as 

* Spotswood, vol. I, page 132. 

92 



vigorously as possible; and when 50 white men and 800 tri- 
butary Indians under Colonel Barnwell came from South 
Carolina, he sent 50 Palatines under Michel to assist in the 
attack of the Indian fort. These hostilities took place in 
January 1712.^ In the first battle the Indians had the ad- 
vantage, and then Graffenried suggested that two small can- 
nons belonging to the province be used. These he had slung 
on poles and transported to the place of battle. Two shots 
from them were sufficient to frighten the Indians into sub- 
mission, and a truce was arranged, leading to a release of 
the captives which the Indians still held. Thus ended the 
first hostilities. 

The end of the Indians troubles, however, brought the 
Germans little relief, and at this time Graffenried exercised 
one of the rights of a lord over his leetmen, in permitting such 
of his settlers as wished to work for the English planters, 
to leave their own colony for two years, during which time 
they should be free from their quit rents.^ 

Concerning Graffenried 's part in this "war" there seems 
to be some difference of opinion, for Spotswood's letter previ- 
ously quoted contradicts Graffenried 's statement. But this 
is probably due to the fact that the former's letter was writ- 
ten before he received information concerning the battle in 
which the Indians were defeated through the use of the can- 
nons which Graffenried had sent to be of assistance to the 
attacking party. But he was acquainted with the Baron's at- 
titude towards the Indians and knew about his treaty with 
them. He knew, probably, of the unpopularity of Graffen- 
ried 's truce and from such indications concluded that he was 
not taking part in the efforts to subdue the savages. 

But the close of hostilities did not bring security. The 
Indians were far from subdued, even after this battle, for a 
piece of barbarous injustice practiced on them by Barnwell 
enraged them more than ever. His men were not paid the 
salary due them and to reimburse themselves they treach- 
erously took a great many of the Core Indians prisoners to sell 

*Col. Rec, vol. I, page 839. 
'French Version. 



93 



as slaves, and people with reason began to fear another out- 
break. 

Renewal of the war was not, however, the greatest danger 
to the New Bern settlers, for not long after the treaty of 
peace was made, Graff enried's provisions, except one meas- 
ure of wheat, were consumed, and the ammunition, too, was 
low, for it had now been twenty-two weeks since his return 
from captivity, and during this time he had been compelled 
to support his little garrison with what he had been able to 
store up during the summer preceding. Graffenried decided 
to appeal once again to the Province, hoping in such straits 
to obtain aid. To this end he undertook what proved to be a 
perilous journey, but only to be disappointed. For the Gov- 
ernor could do but little for him ; he did, however, supply him 
with a boatload of provisions, which never reached his poor 
settlers, for at the mouth of the Neuse River the crew care- 
lessly let fire get among some tobacco leaves and it spread to a 
cask of gunpowder. The men escaped, but the boat was lostj 
and with it went the last hope of relief for New Bern. 

During this time Graffenried was detained at Hyde's for 
six weeks by governmental affairs. The principal business was 
how to meet and ward off the threatened attacks of the In- 
dians. Graffenried advised that the exportation of provisions 
be forbidden, and that new help be secured from Virginia and 
South Carolina. Governor Spotswood in a letter of July 26, 
writes as follows : ' ' I thereupon made extraordinary efforts to 
assist them with 200 white men and Indians as your Lordship 
will observe in the Journal of the Council the 24th, of April 
last and accordingly directed the Rendevouze of those forces 
on the 10th of May".^ This in answer to the petition of the 
assembly would fix the date of the Parliament some time be- 
fore April 24, probably in March. The session lasted six 
weeks, before the end of which Graffenried learned of tlie ill 
fate of his boat, and his next efforts were to secure other pro- 
visions, which he sent in a larger boat, in order that as many 
of his settlers as wished to, might come to him in Virginia 
or Maryland where he now intended to resettle. It appears 

* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 862. 

94 



that he went directly from Governor Hyde's to the Grovemor 
of Virginia after transacting the official business, and peti- 
tioned for the help above mentioned, and then explored along 
the Potomac for a suitable location, and also attempted to find 
the silver mines which he had heard so much about. The re- 
sults of this trip, however, could not have been encouraging if 
we are to judge from contemporary comment. In a letter of 
Governor Spotswood written May 8, 1712, occurs this passage : 
"According to what I had the hon'r to write to Your Lord'ps 
in my last, the Baron de Graffenried is come hither with a de- 
sign to settle himself and sev'll Swiss familys in the fforks of 
Potomack but when he expected to have held his Land there of 
her Majesty, he now finds Claims made to it both by the Pro- 
prietors of Maryland and the Northern Neck".^ (i. e. Cul- 
peper) . . .As a result he had to chose a place more on the 
frontier than he had hoped, and again as though fated, the 
Palatines were to become a forepost against the Indians. 

Chapter XIV. 

The new location — Prospecting for silver — Governor Spots- 
wood's letter describing the same event — Graffenried re- 
turns to Carolina — Governor Hyde's death — Graffenried 
disappointed in Michel; makes one last effort — Graffenried 
in Virginia — Moore defeats the Indians March 20, 1713. 
The places chosen for the new start were just below the 
falls of the Potomac about where Washington now stands and 
at an island which he calls Canavest, further up the river. 
Graffenried went as far as the Shenandoah River, which he 
writes Senantona, but seems to have preferred the location 
nearer the English settlements, which he describes as a most 
charming location at the head of navigation for large vessels. 
The Governor gave him the necessary patents, and several 
gentlemen from Pennsylvania came to confer with him about 
mines. The soil and situation pleased him, but the best search 
he could give showed no signs of silver (and never has since, 
though a tradition to the effect that silver exists somewhere 
in the mountains thereabouts causes a few people to search 

* Spotswood, vol. I, page 152. 

95 



for it even to this day). The men from Pennsylvania re- 
turned to their homes very badly satisfied, while he himself 
was convinced that Michel's story was a fabrication. As for 
Michel, he failed to appear, although Graffenried waited 
and did not return to the Governor until long after his part- 
ner was due. From him he learned that the Captain whom 
he had sent to convoy the brigantine had waited six days, 
and then nothing appearing, the mate had gone out in the 
yawl and found the boat stuck fast, and the people gone. The 
Governor was naturally very much disgusted with such treat- 
ment, and at first was inclined to blame Graffenried as well 
as Michel since the latter was supposed to act under or- 
ders. Learning, however, that Michel had been duping them 
both, his resentment toward Graffenried changed to pity 
for the chief sufferer. 

A letter written by Spotswood July 26, 1712 reports Graf- 
fenried 's trip up the Potomac as follows, and is self-explan- 
atory of the Governor's attitude. "At present I cannot 
think of anything of greater concernment to this Country, as 
well as the particular Service of her Majesty, than what I 
hinted to Your Lord'ps in my letter of the 15th of May, for 
encouraging the discovery of silver mines. I have, since the 
return of the Baron de Graffenried from Potomack, discoursed 
him concerning the probability of Mines in these parts, he 
says, tho' he has no doubts of finding such from the accounts 
he received from one Mr. IMitchell, a Swiss Gentleman who 
went on the like discovery some years ago, Yet he finds him- 
self much discouraged from prosecuting his first intentions, 
not only because of the uncertainty of the property of the 
soil, whether belonging to the Queen or the proprietors, but 
because the share which the Crown may claim in those Mines 
is also uncertain, and that after all his trouble in the dis- 
covery he may chance to have his labour for his pains. Where- 
as he would gladly imploy his utmost diligence in making 
such discoveries if it were once declared what share her Ma- 
jesty would expect out of the produce of the Mines, or if her 
Majesty would be pleased to take the Mines into her hands, 
promising him the superintending of the works with a hand- 

96 



A.M!'-/^- 



V^ 



•..-.-/ V 



V;//. 






I ':^-^ti- 











?&i^>t:. 






V<i 'A- ft*/ 







J 



Graffenried's Map of His Proposed Settlement on the Potomac 



some Sallary, he says it is a matter not new to him, there hav- 
ing been Mines of the like nature found on his father's lands 
in Switzerland, which were at first wrought for the benefit 
of the State, but turning to small account were afterward 
Yielded to the proprietors of the soil upon paying a share 
out of the produce thereof; that he has some relatives now 
concerned therein, and by their interest can procure skilful 
workmen out of Germany for carrying on the works. I shall 
submit to your Lor'ps better judgment, which of the alter- 
natives proposed by the Baron will be best for her Majesty's 
service, and shall hope for a speedy signification of her Ma- 
jesty's pleasure thereon, for promoting a design which I can 
but believe will turn out to the advantage of her Majesty 
and the improvement of this Colony, The Baron has not been 
so far up the Potomac as to discover the head Springs of that 
River nor to make a true draught of their Course, so that I 
can 't now send Your Lor 'ps the Mapps I promised in my last, 
nor forme a Judgment of the pretentions of the sev'll pro- 
prietors".^ 

Whatever lingering hopes, as indicated by this letter, 
Graffenried may have had in his ability to find and develop 
deposits of silver ore and to found a new colony in Virginia 
or Maryland were dissipated by the failure of the Palatines 
and Swiss to come to him in Virginia. Seeing there was no 
hope of making a new start in a more favorable location, Graf- 
fenried went back to North Carolina and stayed some time 
with Governor Hyde. While there they all fell sick and on 
September 9 the Governor died, Graffenried stayed on two 
weeks longer and then returned to New Bern. Again the 
governorship was offered him, but he had to refuse on account 
of his precarious financial condition. The man sent to fix 
the brigantine found it too much damaged to repair,^ and Graf- 
fenried was allowed nothing for either of his two boats al- 
though he considered them destroyed in the service of the 
province. Attempts to get satisfaction from Michel brought 
nothing better than proposals to settle in Mexico or along the 

^ Spotwood, vol. I, page 168. 
* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 867. 

97 



Mississippi River, and Graffenried was persuaded that his 
only hope would be to take his two slaves and settle at Cana- 
vest and gradually draw a few people about him. This would 
be difficult because his creditors, including Pollock, were sus- 
picious. In fact when his two slaves, who liked him for a 
master, tried to cross the river to him, they were caught and 
held for their master's debts. In this condition, heavily in 
debt, almost penniless, his pet schemes demolished, his part- 
ner faithless, he retired to Virginia September 20, 1712,^ where 
he stayed until spring among his friends, trying all the time 
to get help. His friends, however, could only advise him to 
go back to England or Bern, as it would not be safe for him 
to try to stay in Virginia, nor to go among the Indians for 
the traders would be sure to find him out and tell his creditors. 
This truly disheartening situation was cheered a little per- 
haps by the news that on March 20, 1713,^ Colonel Moore ad- 
ministered a crushing defeat to the Tuscurora Indians with 
the very troops Graffenried had helped to secure. 

Chapter XV. 

The journey home — Graffenried meets his miners in London — 
Arranges for their passage to America — His own affairs 
do not keep him long in England — Discussion of the lan- 
guage of his manuscripts — Efforts to relieve his colony — 
Life as a Swiss official — Death. 

Having exhausted all his resources in America, Graffenried 
had only two alternatives — to let the law take its course, or 
else to try to get assistance from abroad. He chose the latter, 
and on Easter day 1713 Graffenried started for New York, 
traveling on horse-back. After a short stay there, he left for 
England, landing at Bristol after a six weeks ' voyage. In Lon- 
don he met Mr. Eden whom the proprietors were sending out 
to take Hyde's place. He also met Albrecht with twelve min- 
ers and their families, 40 persons altogether. These were the 
men whom he and Michel had originally engaged to come to 
America when sent for. They had, however, become tired of 

^ Col. Rec, vol. II, page 144. 
^^Col. Rec, vol. II, page 27. 

98 



waiting and now were preparing to come anyway. When Graf- 
f enried found them they were in hard straits, and looked to him 
for the assistance he had contracted with them to furnish, en- 
tirely overlooking the fact that he had told them to stay in 
Germany until they should be summoned. His only suggestion, 
so far, of removal to America had been that in case the min- 
ers so desired, the master and one or two men might come to 
America to inspect the ground ; but this was, clearly, no invi- 
tation or order to begin the trip. The situation was further 
complicated by Graff enried 's financial embarrassment, for his 
own resources were slender, as we have seen, and he had still 
to live during the time that his business kept him in London, 
and, moreover, he had to retain enough to pay his passage 
home. He did not desert his miners, however, but going from 
one acquaintance to another, he got work for a part of them on 
a dike which was being repaired, and secured other employ- 
ment to support them through the winter. Meantime he wrote 
to Virginia and arranged with Governor Spotswood for their 
reception there. Furthermore, he persuaded them to put their 
money into a conunon fund, and persuaded two merchants to 
forward their passage money, and about New Year's day they 
started and landed in Virginia April 28, 1714, where they 
were first settled as rangers and later put to work in working 
Spotwood's iron mines.^ 

Meanwhile Graffenried had not delayed long in England, 
but had traveled incognito to his home. A lack of passports 
was a serious hindrance to him, but finally on St. Martin's 
day, 1713, he reached Bern. The three accounts vary. Pro- 
fessor Goebel's two versions very distinctly make his return 
home St. Martins day, 1714, while the one printed in the 
Colonial Records of North Carolina makes it a year earlier, 
1713. This, however, is but one of several items which indi- 
cate that at the time Graffenried wrote his accounts the story 
was becoming a little confused in some of its details, — a not 
uncommon occurrence with anyone who tries to tell of events 
in his life a few years after they took place. His language in 
speaking of his stay in London is entirely misleading, as is 

^Part I, chapter III. 

99 



shown by a quotation from Professor Goebel's French ver- 
sion, which probably was written last; "A Londre je fis Se- 
jour de quelques Semaines (months in the Colonial Records 
and the German version) esperant de pouvoir presenter ma 
Supplication a la Reine Anna par le Due de Beaufort, mon 
Patron, qui estoit le premier Lord Prop ; de Caroline et Pala- 
tin de la Province, mais peu de terns avant qu'il voulust pre- 
senter ma supplication il est mort Subitement encore un 
coup de mon infortune bientost apres la Reine mourust elle 
meme, il ne faloit que eela pour m'oster tout esperance d'aucun 
retour. La dessus il y eust tant d 'alterations a la Cour d'An- 
gleterre que ie ne pouvois esperer aucune faveur de longtems 
en cette nouvelle Cour, quand meme on pouvoit conjecturer 
qu'avec le terns ce nouveau Roy come Allemande de Nation 
seroit enclin pour ma Colonic allemande". This certainly 
reads as though Graffenried were in London at the time of the 
death of these two personages and the accession of George I. 
So long a stay after his recent disasters in America leaving 
him almost penniless seems improbable, at least. Other 
sources, then, will have to be called upon to settle the mat- 
ter. In the Neujahrsblatt there is a passage taken from An- 
ton von Graff enried's Diary which says, "Den 2. Dezember 
1713 ist der alt Landvogt von Ifferten aus America durch 
Engelland und Frankreich wieder allhier angelangt und hat 
mich erst den 10. Dezember salutirt". In addition to this 
evidence we know that Pollock received a letter from him 
written from Bern on April 30, 1714.^ These two evidences 
taken with his own statements in the three versions prove 
that he made only a comparatively short stay in England, for 
he left Virginia at Easter time, or April 16, 1713, and went 
to New York, where he stayed for about two weeks. His 
voyage across the Atlantic occupied six weeks, and we are 
told that he rested awhile at Bristol before proceeding on 
horseback to London. He accounts, thus, with fair accuracy 
for eight weeks, but this allows no time for his sojourns in 
New York and Bristol nor for his journeys from Virginia to 
New York and from Bristol to London. But even eight weeks 

*Col. Rec, vol. II, page 166. 

100 



would place his arrival in the middle of June. His actual 
time of arrival, however, was much later than this, owing to 
the stops and other delays, and can be roughly estimated by 
the remark when he met the newly appointed Governor Eden, 
that had he ( Graff enried) come a month earlier, the position 
had fallen to him. Now since Eden was not appointed until 
August 13, 1713, Graffenried must have come later, perhaps 
about a month, somewhere near September 13.^ 

His journey to Bern was also rather long, for he was 
beaten about by storms for three weeks in his passage across 
the channel; and then there was the remainder of the way 
to be covered by coach. Despite some further delays for pass- 
ports and in finding his people when he reached Switzerland, 
he, nevertheless, finally reached his family St. Martin's day, 
November 11, 1713, This w'ould leave him only a small part 
of August, if any, all of September and perhaps a part of 
October in England. 

The most puzzling thing, however, is that anyone reading 
any of the three versions would suppose that Graffenried had 
been present at the time of the deaths of the Duke of Beaufort 
and of Queen Anne, and the Accession of George I, and had 
stayed after that until he was sure nothing would be done 
for his colony. But since Beaufort ^ died July 25, 1714; and 
Queen Anne ^ August 1, 1714, and he had reached Bern in 
November of the year before, this is impossible, unless he 
made a second voyage to England, which is nowhere men- 
tioned directly, and alluded to, if at all, in such vague terms 
that no one would suspect it on reading the accounts. 

But his efforts for his colony did not stop even after he 
reached home. Yet the final chapter is brief. Too poor to 
sue his company for their breach of contract, he next tried to 
have a commission appointed to investigate and hear his pro- 
position, but this was refused. His efforts to interest others 
failed, and at last, to his own regret, he had to abandon his 
colony. 

^ Col. Rec, vol. II, page 58. 
^'McCrady, page 526. 
*McCrady, page 527. 

101 



The story of the rest of his life is soon told. He was 
dependent upon his father for a support which was not cheer- 
fully granted. And the following letter gives as much light 
on the father's character as on Christoph's. 

"Ayez, Monsieur, la bonte de mettre en oublis le passe, et 
m'estant corrige de depuis, ayez meilleure opinion de moy 
pour le present et advenir; Pourtant quoyque je vous aye 
chagrine par mon evasion et mes debts, cependant j'ay de- 
servis mon Balliage avec honneur au contentment du Souver- 
ain et des Ressortissants, et n'ay rien comis d'atroce qui vous 
aye fait deshonneur, ny ay-je jamais, que je sache, manque an- 
vers Vous de Respect ny de Soumission, pardonnez moy dont 
le passe et ne retouchez pas toujours cette corde facheuse, mais 
ayes moy, Monsieur et tres honorable Pere, en recommenda- 
tion puisque je feray touts mes efforts pour vous contenter et 
vous montrer que ie suis avec toutte I'obeissance Respect et 
Soumission L' Enfant perdu retrouve, et amandez, regardez 
moy done aussi en Pere henin et faitte moy sentir plus outre 
les effects de Votre Bienveillance".^ 

In 1731 after the death of a brother, the Oberherr von 
"Worb, Anton secured and sold to Christoph the manage- 
ment of the estate which went with the office, reserving for 
himself the revenues of the office. The management of the 
estate was not very lucrative, but the father thought he had 
made a rather generous expiation for his previous treatment. 
Next, when Anton became mayor of Murton he wanted a rep- 
resentative in Iverton; and although Christoph did not 
relish the place, still to please his wife he ran for it and was 
elected. In 1730 at Anton's death the estate of Worb came 
to Christoph without encumbrance, and he held it till 1740 
when he retired in favor of his sons. Three years later he 
died and was buried in the choir of the Church at Worb, end- 
ing a life the last years of which while uneventful were not 
unpleasant. 

* Neujahrsblatt, page 39. 



102 



Chapter XVI. 

Proof that Graffenried never came hack to America to live — 
Debt to Pollock unpaid — Last notices of the German set- 
tlers and end of the New Bern adventures. 
It is improbable that Graffenried ever returned to Amer- 
ica, although it has been asserted that he did. It appears that 
the Graffenried who lived in this country after 1714, was a 
son of, but not the Baron Christopher von Graffenried who 
founded the settlement at New Bern. According to the Neu- 
jahrshlatt, Christopher's eldest son came at the time of the 
settlement and stayed here after his father's departure, set- 
tling finally in Williamsburg, New York, where he married. 
The Virginia Magazine quotes the following from the files of 
the Virginia Gazette for February 18-25, 1736: "This is to 
give notice to all Gentlemen and Ladies that Mrs. Barbara de 
Graffenried intends to have a Ball on Tuesday the 26th of 
next April and an assembly on the 27th in Williamsburg: 
For which tickets will be delivered out at her Home". A 
footnote then states that "This was the wife of Christopher, 
Baron von Graffenried of Berne, Switzerland who brought 
over a colony of Swiss and Palatines to North Carolina in 
1709". In the article to which the note is added in explana- 
tion, she is called "la Baronne de Graff enriedt". The state- 
ment of her being the wife of Christopher von Graffenried 
is made, but no proof is given, and other evidence would in- 
dicate that the Virginia Magazine is here in error. 

Colonel William Byrd, also, in his memoirs mentions meet- 
ing a certain Madame de Graffenried not far from Williams- 
burg.^ This lady could hardly be any other than the one named 
in the Virginia Magazine who lived at Williamsburg. Accord- 
ing to the Neujahrsblatt Christopher's wife was named Regine 
Tscharner, while in the Virginia Magazine her given name is 
Barbara. The writer in the Neujahrsblatt is evidently mis- 
taken about the son settling in Williamsburg, New York, but 
he would have no difficulty learning the name of Graffenried 's 
wife if other means were lacking when he copied the inscrip- 
tion on the Graffenried memorial in the church at Worb. 

^Byrd, page 326. 

103 



The most plausible explanation then is this, that the writer 
in the Virginia Magazine supposed because this lady was called 
la Baronne she must be the wife of Christoph von Graffen- 
ried, overlooking the fact that the title was hereditary and 
would belong to the eldest son and his wife even during the 
father's life time. The writer in the Neujahrsblatt with the 
means at his disposal could hardly have gotten the name of 
Christoph 's wife wrong, but a confusion may have arisen 
between the two Williamsburgs and he wrote New York when 
he should have written Virginia. If all these suppositions are 
correct, Madame de Graffenried, the lady Colonel Byrd speaks 
of, and the wife of the son who stayed in America are all the 
same person; and this evidence, which so far as I can learn, 
is the only evidence, that the Baron ever returned to his 
country, is destroyed. Christoph 's own statement that for 
20 years no complaint has been made of his administration 
completes the proof if more is needed, for his official duties 
began in 1722 and lasted till 1742, and the notices of Madame 
de Graff enried's ball were printed in 1736. 

One more disputed point concerning Graffenried needs to 
be settled. Careful searching of the Colonial Records down to 
Graffenried 's death in 1743 make no mention of Pollock's 
having received more than the assignment of the Palatines' 
land, for the money due him on the loans. As he had lent 
much more than the 17500 acres were worth, he had reason 
to feel misused and defrauded, although Graffenried was act- 
ing in good faith, and fully expected assistance from the Pro- 
prietors and the Company. And when these sources failed 
him, he had nothing to pay with. Pollock also seems to have 
lost confidence in his honesty because of his failure to deliver 
letters to the Lords Proprietors as he was returning to Eng- 
land.^ But the attitude is unjust for Graffenried complains 

^Col. Rec, vol. II, page 145. 

Oct. 20th, 1714. 

"My first letter to you dated Sept. 20th, 1712 (a copy whereof is 
enclosed) I delivered myself to Baron Graffenried, who was then (goin)g 
to Verginia; and he told me that the Gouvernor of Verginia took care — 
his letters to London with his own pacquets, and that there was no — that 
they would come safe to your Lordships hands. — second letters, dated 

104 



that a box full of papers and curios was lost on the way to 
Europe, and these letters most likely were in it.^ In a letter 
of February 10, 1715, Pollock asks him to pay 700£ at Lon- 
don and keep this title to the land he had taken up.- Graf- 
fenried's petition long before had been in the Duke of Beau- 
fort's hands, waiting for a chance to be presented. Graff en- 
ried also had done all that could be done to extricate him- 
self from his entanglements. As we have seen, however, the 
Duke died before the petition could be presented and only 

April 2d 1713 immediately after the taking the great Indian Fort I sent 
into Verginia an I know they came to Baron Graffenried who was then 
in Verginia I would have sent (your Lord) ship copies of all, but the 
state of affairs being much altered, and they being long, thought it not 
worth while to trouble your (Lordshi)p with them. What reason Baron 
Graffenried had to conceal (or) keep up my letters, I know not. 1 
took him for a man of honour and integrity, but have found the contrary 
to my great loss." 
* French Version. 
=" Col. Rec, vol. II, page 166. 

North Carolina Febry 10th 1715 
Hond Sir 

Yours from Berne dated April 30th 1714 came to hand and (am glad 
to) understood you got safe to your own country, and I should (be) well 
satisfied, (if for your advantage and to pay it? your creditors) (you) 
could procure a new surety. But I could never have expected Baron 
Graffenried whom I always took to be a man of honour and honesty 
would have proposed to me to give away the matter of 900 pounds ster- 
ling money of England for nothing. You know how readily and fully (I 
served) you; you cannot but remember your reiterated promises that I 
should be fully and honestly satisfied. And now to propose to put me off 
with (nothing) is what I never expected of you. Your debt to me was 
612 pounds, besides some other small debts I (paid) by your desire, af- 
ter making up accounts : your debt to Cap . . . and his brother was fifty 
six pounds which makes 668 pounds, the bills being pro(tested) the 
change and reexchange at 15 per cent is 91 pounds 4 sh(illings) makes 
with the charge in England for the protest near 770 pounds. To (which) 
will be two if not three years interest due before I can have it of you . . . 
at London, which with the other small debts I have paid here for (you) 
and trouble of taking care of what insignificant matters you (left) here, 
having been forces to pay Mr. Graves for the surveying your land, and 
the heavy charge of a Land tax, will make your debt near 1000 pounds 
sterling money of England, of all which have received (but) 312 pounds 
in our public bills for your sloops et eact., which are of no use, seeing 

105 



a little while after, the Queen also ; so that he received no help 
from England and it is probable that Pollock was never paid 
the money due him, for on March 29, 1743 some Palatines led 
by Jacob Sheets settled by Baron de Graffenried at Neuse 
showing their agreement with the said Baron and praying to 
have Title made out to them *'in order that warrants might 
issue to them respectively for laying out their lands to each 
man his several proportion or otherwise to be secure in their 
possession. 

"Then CuUen Pollock's Council produced a Patent to the 
said Pollock's father, Thomas Pollock Esq., deceased, for a 
large tract of land at Neuse which was read and it appearing 
to the Council that the said Patent take in the Palatine 
Lands", the suit was dismissed.^ 

That the Palatines in the meantime had not been entirely 
without resources will appear from the Proclamation of the 
Council, Nov. 6, 1714, where "upon petition of the poor Pala- 
tines showing that they were disappointed of the lands stock 
and other necessary which was to be provided for them and 
are reduced to great want and poverty by the late war and 

I can purchase nothing for them, but lie dead on my hand. And as for 
your goods, if you left any of any value, your friend Mr. Mitchell, the 
Mayor, and others of your people had conveyed an ... I having got 
nothing, save a little iron and some rusty nails for . . . and other small 
things of little value. 

You know that you purchased only 15000 acres of land of the Lords 
Proprietors, which is but 150 pounds sterling money, whereof at Mill 
Creek? there is only 8500 acres surveyed; the other 5000 acres not being 
yet taken up, which I intend to take up at White Oak River, as you 
designed. As for your two or three other small tracts, you not having 
paid the purchase to the Lords Proprietors, they were by law made here, 
with all other lands in Bath County that had not paid the purchase, lost: 
so I was obliged to purchase them of the Receiver General. And all the 
land, and what else is come to me of yours, is not really of the value of 
200 pounds. And if you will pay me at London, so that I may be sure 
to have the money seven hundred pounds sterling money within this 
twelve month, you shall have what land you purchased of the Lords Pro- 
prietors, you shall have the public bills I had on your account, and what 
other small matter of goods I had of yours or the value as they are ap- 
praised. 

* Col. Rec, vol. IV, page 632. 

106 



prays that they may have Liberty to take up four hundred 
Acres of land for each family at the rate of ten Pounds a 
thousand acres and that they may have two years day of pay- 
ment for the same"/ Apparently nothing was done at the 
time ; for in 1747 another petition was made by the Palatines, 
this time, to the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee 
of Council for Plantation Affairs.- Redress was slow but at 
length on March 16, 1748 His Majesty gave orders to Gover- 
nor Johnston to give the settlers an equivalent of the Lands 
of which they had been dispossessed, free of quit rent for ten 
years. After that they were to pay the usual rents," and as 
the settlement of the said Palatines will he a great addition to 
the strength of our said Province, and he a considerahle advan- 
tage and Security to the Inhabitants whereof^ we do hereby 
direct and require you to recommend to the Assembly of our 
said Province to make speedy provision in such manner as 
they shall think proper for defraying the Charge of survey- 
ing the Land so as to be granted to the said Petitioners, and 
of issuing the Grants for the same and all other Charges at- 
tending such Survey and Grants".* Two years later they 
were settled in what are now Craven, Jones, Onslow, and Dup- 
lin countias.^ 

This ends the story of the German settlement at New Bern 
as a distinctly German colony. The town had a prosperous 
growth and kept its original name, but as a financial venture 
it was a complete failure, due not to the incompetence of the 
leader, but to the force of circumstances and the niggardliness 
of those whose duty it was to contribute to his support. 

' Col. Rec, vol. II, page 147. 

* Col. Rec, vol. IV, page 954 which gives the text of the petition 
also ; see also pp. 868, 873 fF. 

^ The italics are mine, V. H. T. 
*Col. Rec, vol. IV, pages 958, 967. 
*Ashe, page 273. 



107 



PART III. 
Chapter I. 

The discovery of new material relating to New Bern — Compar- 
ison of manuscripts — New material in a French version — 
Negotiations of Bern for land — Considered going to Mary- 
land — Oraffenried's titles — Contract with the Proprietors 
— Voyage across the Atlantic — Illness of the colonists — 
Treaty with the Indians — Troubles with Michel — Descrip- 
tion of the city of Newhern — Purchase of boats — Explora- 
tion for silver along the Potomac in detail — Indications of 
a treaty with Penn — Details of voyage to Europe — Details 
: of his care for the miners — Additional efforts to secure 
help — A key to a Fre^ich map of the Potomac. 
When Graffenried returned from America disappointed in 
all his plans, he found plenty of people who blamed him for 
the misfortune "as though he had acted rashly and impru- 
dently". It was to vindicate himself that he wrote of his 
adventures in America, and in order to allow himself to be 
more widely understood in Switzerland, he wrote in both 
French and German. For some reason he appears to have left 
two French versions, unless indeed, one is a copy of the other, 
which from comparison seems hardly probable. The French 
version in the library at Iverton, Switzerland, has been copied 
and translated for the Colonial Records of North Carolina 
where it may be found in Volume I, page 905. When Profes- 
sor Goebel was writing his book on the Germans in America, 
{Das Deutschtum in den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord Ame- 
rika) he found that there were other versions, and at consider- 
able trouble and expense he had accurate copies of these made 
for his own use, in hopes that if they were published, they 
might throw some light on this early pioneer. The three man- 
uscripts as nearly as can be judged by the translation in the 
Colonial Records which is a literal translation into poor Eng- 
lish, are in many places word for word translations, or copies, 
of each other. The importance, then, of Professor Goebel's 
copies is that while they contain everything that the other ver- 
sion has, they also have much which is entirely lacking in the 
North Carolina Records. 



108 



It may be worth while to indicate in a very general way 
the most important differences between Professor Goebel's 
manuscripts and the others, especially where the former eon- 
tains things not found in the latter, although most of the items 
have been referred to already in Part II. 

The most natural comparison to make is between the two 
French versions, as they are most alike, being each divided 
into twelve contretemps which may be translated misfortunes. 
Where they treat of the same thing, they use the same lan- 
guage, except that Professor Goebel's copy often has things 
interspersed, which the other does not have, and occasionally 
the marginal notes are not placed in the same position. This 
last, however, is a minor difference and does not affect the 
sense of the text. Then, again, whole paragraphs are placed 
in different relative positions as regards the rest of the account. 
For instance, the chapter on Indian customs which comes at 
the end of the account in the Colonial Records, is placed in 
the body of the text in connection with the account of Graf- 
fenried's capture in Professor Goebel's French text. The 
omissions from, or additions to the original text must have 
been made by Graffenried himself or else by some one very 
familiar with the text ; for he mentions several more attempts 
made to relieve his colony in Professor Goebel's French copy, 
which do not appear in other accounts, and adds in marginal 
notes two items which do not occur in the others, namely that 
Gary was banished to a distant island and there died, and 
that Michel died among the Indians. If these events were 
recorded after the accounts had been written, they would nat- 
urally be placed in the finished version. Now since Professor 
Goebel's French version has them, and since it seems to be 
more logically arranged as regards the time sequence of events, 
I am inclined to believe that it is the last copy Graffenried 
made. Moreover, he wrote in the beginning to justify himself 
in the eyes of his immediate friends, and this may account for 
the use of German, for the hasty and careless language and 
arrangement, and for the failure to adhere to the plan of 
writing it in "misfortunes". As to the exact date of Profes- 
sor Goebel's version, we can safely say it was 1716; for al- 

109 



though there is no date given in the text, a marginal note 
makes such an inference exact. 

However, the order in which the versions were written is 
of minor importance compared to the contents, since they 
must have appeared within a very few years of each other. 
The following paragraphs are intended to give what seems 
the most important contributions which Professor Goebel's 
manuscript makes to what is already accessible in the Colonial 
Records of North Carolina. Taking the French version first : 
this says that Bern negotiated through Stanian, the Envoy 
Extraordinary, for a place to found a colony which would be 
absolutely independent of any authority except the British 
sovereign, but was unsuccessful, because the Queen did not 
wish to work to the detriment of the colonial and proprietary 
governments. He received permission to take up land above 
the falls of the Potomac, but was persuaded that conditions 
were more favorable in North Carolina where land was 
cheaper, and where, under the proprietors, he would have 
more jurisdiction and various additional privileges. When 
he went to Virginia, he found that Culpepper had gotten 
ahead of him on a part of the land, and this would have com- 
pelled him to settle in Maryland farther from white settlers 
than he had hoped. 

As a reward for their zeal in bringing him to the throne, 
Charles II gave to several gentlemen a large tract in North 
America with power to create hereditary titles of nobility. 
According to the French version, Graffenried was made Land- 
grave of Carolina, Baron de Bernberg, and Chevalier du Cor- 
don Bleu, and in addition was given a medal. The regalia 
of his orders he wore whenever he went to the assembly, and 
he found it increased people's deference for him. 

The amount of land he took up and the charges per acre 
have been given already.^ Two other very important clauses 
of this agreement with the proprietors were the ones provid- 
ing for religious liberty and for the furnishing of provisions 
and stock by the proprietors, the debts so contracted by the 
colony to be paid in three years. Then he says : " Je passe icy 

* See Page 47. 

110 



sous Silence un Traitte fait avec William Penn Proprietaire 
de Pennsilvanie pour des Terres et des mines". This is only 
one of several passages which show that such an agreement 
existed. Then follows a description of the town. 

A description of New Castle, and the voyage across the 
Atlantic occupies several pages and has this of interest to us, 
that in connection with it he states that a box of curiosities, 
papers, and clothes which he had given to a ship 's captain, was 
lost on the return voyage. This may explain Governor Pol- 
lock's grievance that the letters sent by Graff enried were not 
delivered.^ The voyage over was without unpleasant acci- 
dents and has little worthy of mention here, although it 
makes interesting reading. 

When Graff enried returned from Governor Hyde's in the 
summer of 1711, he found many of his people ill. This gives 
him opportunity to tell about the diseases the people were 
exposed to and the remedies to employ in such cases. In all 
this his good sense and care for his colonists is shown most 
clearly. He mentions, also, the insect and reptile pests they 
have to guard against, and then he discusses the building of 
the town. 

He payed for the land twice, first to Lawson, and then to 
the Indians, and made an alliance with the Chief Taylor. 
Then to avoid trouble he bought the land over again, so that 
the Indians would be satisfied to move farther away. Tay- 
lor, along with seventeen heads of families, came in full attire 
at the appointed time, looking, as Graffenried thought, more 
like monkeys than men. He, not to be outdone, put on his 
most gaudy array ; and the assembly sat down together on the 
ground. Graffenried first made his proposition; and they 
stated their objections, in which he says they had the better 
of the argument; but finally they agreed to sell what he 
wanted. The price was 500 bullets, 6 pounds of powder, 
1000 large bullets, 500 small shot. Then after they had had 
a drink of rum, they made the treaty. While intoxicated, 
Mr. M. (evidently Mr. Michel) almost spoiled the negotia- 
tions by snatching off Taylor's head dress and beating the 

* See page 104, note 1. 

Ill 



orator after he had dragged him from the circle. The In- 
dians did not think that this treatment before the alliance 
augured well for peace afterwards, and were with difficulty 
persuaded to make a treaty. That night Michel again insulted 
the orator, and again Graffenried had to act as mediator. 
This same man caused so much annoyance that Graffenried 
had to invent ways of keeping him at a distance, one time 
provisioning him to survey along the Weetock River, and 
again sending him to Philadelphia to see about the silver 
mines, regarding which they had an express agreement with 
William Penn and the head miner, Justus Albrecht. The In- 
dians naturally supposed that he sent him away for their 
sake, and it helped him afterwards while he was in captivity. 
He also called upon the Indians at Core town and promised 
to be a good neighbor to them. Then he took the surveyor 
and the clerk, and together they made the plan of the town. 
"As the people in America do not like to live crowded", he 
gave each house three acres and the streets were arranged 
like a cross. His artisans, who could do better in the city, 
had freedom from taxation for ten years, while the rest were 
free for three years. Then he enumerates the trades repre- 
sented; among which ought to be particularly noticed the 
school master. Graffenried was empowered by the bishop of 
London to read sermons, marry and baptize. An indication 
is also given of a popular assembly when the town was named. 
Prosperity seemed so certain that people outside even from 
as far away as Pennsylvania, took lots. The only thing lack- 
ing was ready money. All accounts agree that this was a ser- 
ious difficulty. The province could not pay him and nothing 
had been received from Europe; but he trusted that if he 
could only get a message to the Georg Ritter Company by 
some person, they would help him out. One of the settlers 
was just going and was willing to take the message. This 
man, Botschi ^ by name, as the German version shows, abused 
the confidence placed in him by contracting debts in Graffen- 
ried 's name in Philadelphia and Amsterdam. Nevertheless, 
he delivered his message faithfully. But the disasters of 

* German Version, Report. 

112 



the following autumn, when the Indians captured Graffenried 
and Lawson, discouraged the Company in Bern and the Pro- 
prietors, so that, even if they had intended to assist him, which 
is more than doubtful, they now refused to risk their money. 
However, while he still believed that help would be sent him, 
he had bought two boats for use in trading and on one trip 
took a cargo of wheat to the Bermudas to exchange for salt. 
But the wheat was damaged in a storm and the profits con- 
sequently were lessened. 

A considerable space in the book is then filled with his 
account of the trip to Canavest, the chief part of which, how- 
ever, is a detailed description of the Indians shooting the 
rapids in canoes. 

As an additional reason why he believed in Michel's stor- 
ies of the silver mine, Graffenried states that M. M. had asked 
the Queen for patents, and together they had made a treaty 
with the miners in Europe, and Mr. Penn had made a treaty 
with them and had made M. M. director of minerals in Penn- 
sylvania.^ 

In showing the impossibility of Michel's last scheme of 
settling in Mexico or along the Mississippi, he goes further 
than the political reasons why Bern could not maintain a 
colony in territory disputed by England, France, and Spain, 
and states that at such a distance among hostile Indians a 
colony would not be able to exist at all. 

The return to Europe is enlivened with a description of 
the wonders by the way, such as the meeting with an ice- 
berg and a storm which almost foundered their ship, owing 
to the negligence of the captain. He tells in addition of how 
he found work on a dike for his miners who were in London 
when he arrived. 

When he returned to Bern, he found himself financially 
unable to sue his company for breach of contract. When he 
presented his contract to the legislature and desired a com- 
mission to hear his complaint and his proposals, the request 
was not granted. He then made attempts to interest his rela- 
tives, a neighboring republic, some people in Germany, but 

* The Colonial Records mention such a treaty once. 

113 



he was nowhere successful. He also tried to get Stanion, En- 
voy Extraordinary to the Corps Helvetique, to present a pe- 
tition to King George I; but Stanion was made ambassador 
to Vienna about that time, and had to leave the affair un- 
finished. Another petition received for answer, that the wars 
were not ended and nothing could be done. 

Along with the account but not an integral part of it, is 
a document which appears to be a key to the map of the 
Potomac River. It has a number of interesting comments on 
the country about the present site of Washington which con- 
sisted of a few plantations and had as yet no name. 

These, then, are some of the things which Professor Goe- 
bel's French copy adds to what has been translated for the 
Colonial Records of North Carolina. 

Chapter II. 

Important additions to the German version are a report to 
the Bitter Company, the contract with the Bitter Com- 
pany, a Memorial or account of life in the colony, letters 
from the colonists — Contents of the report — Beliability 
of the report and letters — The contract with Georg Bitter 
Company — The Memorial — Criticism of Graff enried mort- 
gaging the settlers' lands. 

In the German account there is little that the Colonial 
Records do not have though it is a satisfaction to read the 
man's exact language. Connected with it, however, are sev- 
eral documents of very great importance. The first of these 
is the report Graffenried sent to the company in Bern. Then 
follow in order the contract with the Georg Ritter Company, 
a Memorial or account, apparently written at the time of the 
report, describing the conditions in America, and a number 
of letters written by Swiss settlers to their friends and rela- 
tives in the home land. 

This report, and these letters do more to clear Graffen- 
ried 's character than anything else which has come down to 
us from him or others. Taking up the report first; it was 
written May 6, 1711, just a short time after Cary had seized 
his brigantine, but before he had made the attack on the 

114 



governor. At this time the prospects of making the colony 
succeed were bright, if only help could be secured; and as 
soon as Gary could be reduced to obedience he might hope 
for help from the province. The town had been nicely laid 
out by this time, the people supplied as well as possible with 
stock, and Graffenried was beginning to think about making 
exploring expeditions to find gold and silver. As yet his 
money affairs had not reached a serious condition; he had 
laid out 2228i worth of supplies of cattle and grain, and had 
purchased two boats. The supplies had come for the most 
part from one man, Thomas Pollock. He with the rest was 
now becoming suspicious, and refused to sell more. The let- 
ters from the settlers express no dissatisfaction, but never- 
theless it existed, for the contract with the commissioners 
relating to supplies for the people had not been fully kept, 
and there was talk of making a complaint to them. As Graf- 
fenried had given a bond for 5000f , such a complaint might 
cause him great inconvenience and loss. He and Michel had 
agreed to supply each family with two cows, two calves, five 
sows with their young, two ewes and two lambs, with a male 
of each kind, within two months of their arrival.^ Repay- 
ment was to be made by the colonists after seven years, at 
which time the same number of animals would be returned 
with one half the stock on hand. The first comers had been 
in America over a year, and the confusion in the province and 
the distance from other colonists had made it impossible to 
deliver more than ten cows, 30 swine, four horses, and eight 
sheep. The financial difficulties were not yet at a crisis, how- 
ever, and the timely arrival of money from Switzerland would 
have allayed all fears and have enabled the work of coloni- 
zation to go on unhindered. What he wrote then, while he 
was in the midst of his work, knowing the bearer of the let- 
ter, Mr. Botschi, would be present to confirm or deny the 
statements contained in it, make it more than likely that the 
information given is reliable. The accounts written several 
years after some of the events occurred, at a time when he 
was smarting under the criticisms of his acquaintances, when 
* Col. Rec, vol. I, page 988. 

115 



his plans and hopes had all been shattered and when the oc- 
currences had become somewhat confused in his memory, are, 
of course, more open to question as to their accuracy. The 
criticism he makes of his colonists,^ in which he accuses them 
of all kinds of wickedness and makes almost no exception, 
was certainly inspired more by the disappointment he had 
suffered than the actual character of the settlers, who, to 
judge from their letters, were pious and intended well. More- 
over, at the time the report was written he seems to have been 
perfectly satisfied with them. 

The contract between Graffenried and Michel on the one 
hand, and other members on the other, by which they became 
associates in the Georg Ritter Company shows that, as far as 
Graffenried and Michel were concerned, the mines were 
what they and Ritter were basing their hopes for returns 
upon, and that the 17,500 acres were merely a foundation to 
the greater enterprise of mining. 

The "Memorial" which follows was written while Graf- 
fenried was still in an optimistic mood, and appears to have 
been taken, in part, from some English author. He says it 
was translated from the English. This is not entirely exact, 
for a portion of it which deals with the purchase of a ship 
to be used to transport colonists from Holland to America, 
certainly was not translated from anything. A description 
of the care of swine and the manner of calling them to the 
house at feeding time occurs in Kocherthal in almost the same 
words. In general, though, the Memorial is filled up with 
the results of his own observations, arranged under heads, 
as the writers of such accounts were fond of doing, and some 
of the details were perhaps taken from similar books in Eng- 
lish. 

The letters which close the accounts prove conclusively 
that as late as April and May there was no serious discontent 
among the colonists with the treatment they had received. 
Not a word is said about the scarcity of cattle, and Graffen- 
ried is always mentioned with respect. A hopeful tone per- 
vades all of the letters. The complaint which occurs often- 
est is over the lack of German women folks, for all who 

' All three accounts. 

116 



wished home comfort, washing, and mending, could not find 
wives. They wished their beer also, and one of the men whose 
wife understood brewing, was planning to supply the defi- 
ciency by ordering the necessary utensils from home. The 
lack, too, of a regular minister was severely felt, and caused 
some anxiety lest the religious fervor should die out for want 
of pastoral ministrations in addition to the Sunday reading 
of prayers. But nowhere is there any reflection on Graffen- 
ried's character or conduct. 

The most severe criticism has been made on him for mort- 
gaging the settler's land to Pollock, and then when the colony 
was broken up, leaving them in their distress and going to 
Europe. Any one reading these contemporary documents 
with the other accounts will certainly be compelled to take a 
more charitable view. He will see that what Graffenried did 
was not only done in good faith, but was really a good busi- 
ness move under the circumstances, and that the fault lay 
with the Company in Bern. 

Referring back to PART II, Chapter V, it will be seen 
that the Georg Ritter Company proposed to buy 10000 acres 
of land before the Palatines had come to England, while they 
had in prospect only their own 156 voluntary emigrants and 
exiles. Then Graffenried and Michel added their small num- 
ber to that on the condition that these miners with their fam- 
ilies, numbering about 40 persons, should come later if they 
were sent for. After Graffenried became connected with the 
company, while the Proprietors were making propositions to 
the committee, but before anything had been done to give 
them any reason for believing that these Germans would be 
sent to their colony, the Company actually purchased 10000 
acres. Graffenried contributed 5000 which belonged to him 
personally and Michel added 2500 acres making 17500 acres 
to which the Company had claims before they were sure of 
more than 156 persons. A month and more after these nego- 
tiations were completed the committee acted favorably on the 
Proprietors' proposition to this extent, that 650 persons were 
at length allowed to them. These last came at no expense 
to the Georg Ritter Company, and yet the Company was to 

117 



get the benefit of their quit-rents and the increased value of 
land in the colony which would result from the larger number 
of settlers. 

When sickness and death reduced the 650 to about 300, 
there were still more than enough left to take the place of the 
56 prisoners whom they were unable to bring, and the nine 
Swiss who died on the journey and after landing in Virginia.^ 
Even the massacre of September, 1711, in which 70 or 80 
fell, left more than the Company had originally planned to 
send and had actually purchased land for; and besides there 
were still about 40 persons, the miners, anxious to come over. 
Having had all the summer of 1709 with its delays and un- 
certainties, in which to think over their plans, and plenty of 
opportunity to change their minds, their action after the col- 
ony was settled is most contemptible. They never sent Graf- 
fenried anything more than advice to go ahead on credit. 
The loss of part of the Palatines was no excuse, for as we have 
seen, they had not reasonably counted on them in the first 
place, and whatever number of them should succeed in set- 
tling was so much gain. Having made the start, then, they 
should have supported their enterprise until they had better 
evidence than their own fears that nothing would come of it. 
Even after the massacre, it is reasonably certain that with 
the money due him, Graffenried could have held his colony 
together, and either rebuilt at New Bern, or have gone to Vir- 
ginia and engaged in agriculture and mining there. Silver, to 
be sure, would never have made them rich, but iron was there 
in abundance, and Spotswood only a short time after, as has 
been shown (PART I, Chapter III) engaged Graffenried 's 
miners in a profitable enterprise, the beginning of the iron 
blast furnace industry in America. The profits of this might 
just as well have gone, in part at least, to the George Ritter 
Company, and the investment would have paid them.^ As 
it was, since Graffenried had no idea they were actually aban- 
doning him, to tide his people over the critical periods of the 
first year and keep the colony intact for the Company, he had 

* German Version, Letters. 

^ Byrd, page 333 ff. A progress to the Mines in the Year 1732. 

118 



mortgaged the land beyond all hope of redeeming it by its 
own efforts, and he did this before he became sure that the 
Company had deserted him. In criticizing this action one 
must remember that the people did not own their lands out- 
right as other settlers. They were tenants of the Company 
which was supposed to support them. Graffenried, therefore, 
did not sign away land belonging to other people ; besides by 
the strict system of recording real estate transactions in use 
in Carolina this would have been impossible. Rather, he 
signed away a tract for which he was agent, which was made 
out to him, and of which he was the owner in the eyes of the 
law. His position was not an enviable one, for on the one 
hand he was responsible to the company which expected him 
to make the investment profitable, a task that could only be 
accomplished by keeping the people together and supplied 
with necessaries; on the other hand the people who looked to 
him for support, advice and protection, were in danger of 
losing their lands if the Company failed to send help. The 
latter possibility was the more remote. Hunger was at their 
doors, and he chose to mortgage their lands and wait for help 
from Bern. Could he reasonably be expected to have done 
differently? The answer is to be found in his report. For 
this report which was written at a time when he foresaw the 
impending disaster unless help should be sent, which begs 
with the eloquence of despair for the assistance that belonged 
to him, and on which the welfare of several hundred colonists 
depended, speaks more convincingly for the integrity of his 
motives than any justification he could write afterwards. 

The little settlement did not, however, entirely die out with 
the departure of the leader and the partial disbanding of the 
inhabitants. For many of them continued to live in the neigh- 

This gives a detailed description of the mines which Graifenried's work- 
men were operating. Spotswood was one of several who made up the 
Company; the enterprise was self-supporting, in that a part of the oper- 
atives tended the farms to supply food for the laborers and the oxen 
and horses employed. The lack of farm laborers was a hindrance, and 
the furnaces could not run full time in consequence. The arrangement 
actually made was just such as Graffenried would have made with his 
settlers if he had been assisted by his Company. 

119 



borhood and other settlers were attracted by the location, 
until in time another flourishing town arose from the ruins 
of the first. 

It is, too, one of the ironies of fate that one of Graffen- 
ried's darling ambitions for his town was realized only after 
his death. He had hoped to make New Bern the chief city 
in the province and to move the seat of government thither, 
but the disaster which attended his first efforts and forced 
him to abandon his first colony, destroyed this hope also. 
Nevertheless, although he lived to see a few sessions of the 
assembly held in his town, it was not till 1765, over 20 years 
after his death, that New Bern was officially made the capital 
of North Carolina, a distinction which it held for over twenty- 
five years. Since then, although it has experienced the vicis- 
situdes of the Civil War and the Reconstruction, it is today 
one of the most prosperous towns in North Carolina, and an 
honor to its German founders who builded better than they 
knew. 

Two full centuries have now passed since the little colony 
of Germans established their settlement at New Bern and con- 
tributed their share towards the religious and political lib- 
erty we now enjoy. Graff enried's failure, for such he reck- 
oned it, is not all a failure if we may in any way learn to ap- 
preciate better the blessings we now enjoy by considering the 
cost at which they have been purchased for us. Certainly 
coming years, with their greater fullness of knowledge, will 
deal more fairly with Baron de Graffenried than the past has 
done, and the justification he so much desired, though late, 
will be fully rendered. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I Sources 

Ashe, Samuel A 'Court. 

History of North Carolina, Vol. I. 
Charles L. Van Noppen, Publisher, Greensboro, N. C. 1908. 
The Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VI. Cambridge, 1908. 
Channing, Edward. 
A History of the United States. 
The Macmillan Company, 1908. 

120 



Collections of the Historical Society of South Carolina, Vol. 1. 
Published by the South Carolina Historical Society, Charles- 
ton, S. C. 
S. G. Courtenay & Co., 1857. 
The Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vols. I, II, IV. 
Saunders, William D., Editor, Raleigh, N. C. 
P. M. Hale, Printer to the State, 1886. 
'Set Seutfd^e Stonier, SSiersel^nter ^aJ^rgong. 
§erQU§gegeben bom „S)eutfc^en ^ionter=3Seretn." ©incinnatt. 

Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, Vol. III. 
Published by the State under the supervision of Hugh Hast- 
ings, State Historian, Albany, N. Y. 
J. B. Lyon Company, State Printers, 1902. 
Faust, Albert Bernhardt. 

The German Element in the United States, Vols. I, II. 
Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston and New York, 1909. 
Hennepin, Father Louis. 
A Continuation of the New Discovery of a vast Country in 
America. Reprinted from the second London issue 
of 1698 by Reuben Gold Thwaites. 
A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1903. 
^eufer, ©. 
^ennft)rt)Qnien im 17ten ^al^rl^unbert unb bie 5fu§gelt)Qnbcrten 
^falser in ©nglonb. 
SSerlog bon 2ubtviq SBttter, 9?euftabt q. b. $arbt, 1910. 
Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Political Science, 
Series X. 
The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md., 1892. 
^odfiert^Ql. 
^ru^fii^rltd^, unb umftanblic^er ^evid)t bon ber Beriil^mten 2anb= 
fd)Qfft ©Qrolina / ^n bem engeadnbifd^en STmerifo ge- 
legen, SSierter ©rudf. 
3u finben Del) Gieorg .Oeinrid) Del^rling / gronffurt am 
Wd^n / 1709. 
I^awson, John, Gent. Surveyor General of North Carolina. 
A New Voyage to Carolina; containing the exact Descrip- 
tion and Natural History of that Country : Together 

121 



with the Present State thereof. And a Journal of a 
Thousand Miles, Travel 'd thro ' several Nations of In- 
dians. Giving a particular Account of their Cus- 
toms, Manners, etc. 
London, Printed in the Year 1709. 
Luttrell, Narcissus. 
A Brief Historical Relation of Affairs from September 1678 
to April 1714, Vol. I-VI. 
Oxford, At the University Press, 1857. 
Manuscripts and Maps in the Possession of Professor Julius 

Goebel. Urbana, 111. 
McCrady, Edward. 

The History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Gov- 
ernment, 1670-1719. 
The Macmillan Company, New York, 1897. 
WMcv, ©rnft. 
@efd)i(^te hex 33ernifd^en ^aufer. 
^. Rubers SSerlog, grouenfelb, 1895. 
Neujahrsblatt herausgegeben vora Historischen Verein des 
Kantons Bern fiir 1897. 
Christoph von Graff enried Landgraf von Carolina, Gruen- 
der von Neu-Bern. Wolfgang Friedrich von Muelinen. 
Druck und Verlag von K. J. Wyss, Bern, 1896. 
The Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of the Colony of Virginia, 1710-1722. 
Published by the Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, 
Va., 1882. 
The Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings and Addresses, 
Vol. VII, 1896, Vol. VIII, 1897. 
Published by the Society. 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI. 

Boston, 1878. 
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XIII. 
Published by the Virginia Historical Society. 
House of the Society, Richmond, Va., 1905-6. 
The Writings of Colonel William Byrd of Westover in Vir- 
ginia, Esqr. 
Edited by John Spencer Bassett. 

Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1901 



122 



The following works among others, have also been consulted: 
Adams, Sir Francis Ottiwell and Cunningham, C. D. 
Switzerlanfl — Constitution and Government. 
Macmillan and Co., London and New York, 1894. 
Bancroft, George. 

History of the United States of America, from the Discovery 
of the Continent. 
D. Appleton and Company, New York. 
Bernheim, Gotthardt Dellmann. 

German Settlements and the Lutheran Church in the Caroli- 
nas, from the earliest period of the colonization of 
Dutch, German and Swiss settlers to the close of the 
first half of the present Century. 
The Lutheran Book Store, Philadelphia, 1872. 
Blome, Richard. 

The present state of His Majesties isles and territories in 
America, viz. Jamaica, Barbados, S. Christophers. 
Mevis, Antego, S. Vincent, Dominica, New Jersey, 
Pensilvania, Monserat, Anguilla, Bermudas, Carolina, 
Virginia, New-England, Tobago, Newfoundland, Ma- 
ryland, New- York, etc. 
D. Newman, London, 1697. 
Carrol, B. R. 

Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vols. I, II. 
Harper & Brothers, New York, 1836. 
The American Nation, a History. 
Edited by A. B. Hart. 

Harper and Brothers Company, New York and London. 
Raper, Charles Lee, Ph.D. 

North Carolina, a study in English Colonial Government. 
The Macmillan Company, New York, 1904. 
Rivers, William James. 

A sketch of the history of South Carolina to the close of the 
proprietary government by the revolution of 1719. 
McCarter & Co., Charleston, 1856. 
Williamson, Hugh. 

The history of North Carolina. 
T. Dobson, Philadelphia, 1812. 

123 



VITA 

The writer of this thesis was bom at North Panama, New 
York, August 22, 1879. His preparatory education was ob- 
tained in the High School at Sheffield, Pennsylvania (1898- 
1900) and in the A. M. Chesbrough Seminary, North Chili, 
New York (1900-1902), at which place he began the study of 
German. In 1902 he entered the University of Rochester, 
stayed two years, and then went to Harvard University where 
he graduated in 1907 with the degree A.B. cum laude, with 
honorable men-tion in German and French. From 1907 to 
1909 he had charge of the Latin and Modern Languages at 
Greenville College. In 1909 he was awarded a scholarship 
at the University of Illinois, and in 1910 was given the A.M. 
degree, using as his subject for investigation Baron Chris- 
toph von Graffenried. He has held a fellowship each of the 
succeeding years, and was assistant in German in the Summer 
Session of 1911. 



124 



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